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THE 



RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP 



BY 

DE. EDWARD C. MANN 

OF NEW-YOEK 

PRESIDENT IKTHRNATIONAL CONGRESS OF ANTHROPOLOGY, COLUMBIA COLLEGE, NEW-YORK, 

JUNE, 1888; MEMBER AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION; MEMBER AMERICAN 

ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE; FELLOW AND GOLD 

MEDALIST SOCIETY OF SCIENCE, LETTERS, AND ART OF LONDON ; 

HONORARY MEMBER IMPERIAL UNIVERSITY, KHARKOFF, 

RUSSIA; MEMBER ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF 

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, 

ETC., ETC. 



All rights reserved 



* 







NEW-YORK 

PUBLISHED FOR THE AUTHOR BY WILLIAM BEVERLEY HARISON 
59 FIFTH AVENUE 

1894 



.\ 






Entered according to Act of Congress in tlie year 
eighteen liundred and ninety-four, 

By EDWAED C. MANX, 

In the oflBce of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



PEEFACE. 

The scholars in our public schools and colleges 
should be instructed as to the elements that go to 
make up a good and useful citizen of our country, and 
the obligations, civil, social, and political, due to others 
from them. They should be instructed to yield respect 
and obedience to the laws, and to hold on with un- 
flinching firmness to the Constitution and the Union 
of States. They should be taught the love of liberty 
and order, to walk in the path of patriotism, of fidelity 
to our country, and of duty to God. This is necessary 
in order that when they become of adult age they may 
be prepared to exhibit wisdom in the cabinet j the 
purest patriotism ; the highest integrity, public and 
private j morals without a stain ; and religious feel- 
ings without intolerance and without extravagance. 

In this little manual of the rights and duties of citi- 
zenship I sing the love of country and the pride of 
country to the youth of both sexes of my country. I 
teach the need of beating back one's country's enemies, 
whether they reside in or out of the United States — a 
most true song, to which I hope the hearts of the youth 
of our country will burst responsive into fiery melody, 
followed by fiery strokes before long. I teach them 

iii 



iv PREFACE. 

to sing the praises of God. National writers who for- 
sake that business, and, wasting their di^dnest gifts, 
sing the praise of party — what shall we say of them ? 
What also shall we say of that class of writers who 
try to spread the idea that the laborer of onr country 
is related to his employer by bonds of hostility, op- 
pression, and chains of mutual necessity alone, when 
this is absurdly false and when the facts are that the 
United States of America is the country of all coun- 
tries where there are constant, calculable wages and 
constancy of employment 5 where the laborer, by tem- 
perance, thrift, and industry, can hope to rise to mas- 
tership ; and where, above all other countries on earth, 
he is related to his employer by bonds of friendliness 
and mutual help ? This is a country whose national 
environment is one of education, enlightenment, and 
character, and the only persons who fail to appreciate 
this fact and therefore to be contented and happy are 
those who, owning an anti-social inheritance, would 
not be contented and happy anywhere on earth ; those 
who exhibit in their lives neither an intense energy, a 
broad humanity, nor a love and obedience of God. 
They are our brothers, however, and may they finally 
accept the great facts of the Fatherhood of God and 
the brotherhood of man ! 

Edward C. Mann. 
New York, August, 1894. 



TABLE OF CO:NTEIvrTS. 



PAGE 

Preface iii 

Introduction vii 

PART I. 

CHAPTER I. 

Our Country and its Growth.— The Causes of Our 
National Prosperity 1 

CHAPTER n. 
The Constitution 7 

CHAPTER HI. 
Labor 13 

CHAPTER IV. 
Social and Political Order 16 

CHAPTER V. 

Laws against Rebellion and Insurrection in the 
United States. — Criminal Conspiracy against the 
Laws. — Congress of the United States. — State 
Legislatures. — The Judiciary 19 

CHAPTER VI. 
National and State Government 24 

V 



VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PART II. 

CHAPTER VII. 

PAGE 

Personal Life of Citizens. — The Elements that go to 
make up the most useful citizen of our country 30 

CHAPTER VIII. 

The Duty of American Citizenship to show Sympathy 
WITH New Republics. — The Republic of Hawaii... 37 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Duty of Citizenship toward the Women of Our 
Country 40 

CHAPTER X. 
Our Republic — her Citizens and her Needs . 48 

CHAPTER XI. 

Intemperance. — The Duty of Citizenship toward the 
Drink Problem 94 

CHAPTER XII. 
The Greatness and Progress of Our Country 101 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Elementary Privileges and Duties of Voters. — The 
National, State, and Municipal Officers for whom 
A Citizen is Entitled to Vote. — Political Divi- 
sions AND THE Requirements of the Law in Regard 
TO Voters. — Civil Administration and Political 
Science 119 



lE'TEODUOTIOK 

The object of this little maniial is to present a sys- 
tematic course of instruction embracing a broad patri- 
otism, the rights and duties of citizenship, the rights of 
property, and the security and sacredness of human 
life ; to teach the duties of citizens of the United States 
to their neighbors, to the community. State, and nation, 
their powers and privileges as wage-earners, capital- 
ists, and as sovereign voters; to give instruction on 
the subject of intelligent citizenship ; to teach the rela- 
tions of employer and employed, of labor and capital. 
I have endeavored to express myself concisely and by 
clear thought and rational doctrine as to all that goes 
to make up a good and useful citizen ; and to the youth 
of our country and to the National Educational Asso- 
ciation I dedicate this work. 



PART I. 



CHAPTER I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 
Our Country and its Growth.— The Causes of Our National Prosperity. 

THE marvelous growth and unique history of our 
Republic have been due to highly complex and 
manifold motive forces. Primarily we had the advan- 
tage of good " determinative elements " to assist us in 
our growth. We had an ahwudaiit food-supjjly, which 
is essential to the fullest development of the human 
powers, physical and mental. We therefore had from 
the start that muscular strength and endurance, that 
intellectual clearness and grasp, essential to any coun- 
try that is to achieve greatness. National culture at 
once took a long stride in advance 5 for, unlike some 
other nations, we had the advantage of obtaining our 
food almost immediate^ from natural products, from 
cultivated products, and by exchange and commerce. 
The influence of agriculture from the commencement 
1 1 



Z A IVIANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

of our history as a country was most profound and 
beneficent, as it promoted a settled disposition, the per- 
manence of houses, the habits of regulated labor and 
foresight, and the preference of peace to war, govern- 
ment to anarchy. It allowed the congregation of large 
communities and insured the leisure which was neces- 
sary to higher intellectual cultivation. From the in- 
ception of out' history also, we had home purchasers, 
prepared with desirable objects to offer in exchange 
for food, and manufactures enabled them to obtain 
food by exchange and commerce. This great influence 
on the social life of the nation we enjoyed almost from 
oui' earliest history, and it at once permitted men to 
gather together in great cities, where all are dependent 
on the distant agricultuiist for their daily bread, and 
the impetus given to the growth of our cities to-day is 
directly attributable to the successful application of 
steam to the transportation of food. 

We had also the second great ^^ determinative ele- 
ment " in the growth and history of nations : the high- 
est form of marriage, in that we had an enlightened 
Christian community, who increased the happiness of 
individuals and developed the noblest qualities of the 
race by marriage based on personal acquaintance and 
intelligent affection, with woman in a deservedly high 
social position. 

We had also a language of true superiority — a lan- 
guage which in its characteristics corresponds most 
precisely in its expressions with the logical processes of 
thought, and which thus favored clear and progres- 
sive thinking and prompt comprehension ; a language 



INTRODUCTOEY; 3 

which has acted on the national mind as a stimnlns 
and an incentive to intellectual pursuits; and a fine 
national poetry and prose which have reacted directly 
on the life of the nation. 

We have had also one of the main forces of culture 
in this country in a weU and rapidly developed tech- 
nology, or the science of the arts and industries — a 
domestic industry which has meant national power 
and individual comfort; arts utilitarian, including 
tools and utensils, weapons, buildings, clothing, and 
media of exchange (money) ; and the esthetic arts, or 
those designed to affect the senses in an agreeable 
manner, and by association the emotions .and the in- 
tellect — such are decorative designs in line and color, 
sculpture and modeling, music and musical instru- 
ments, scents and flavors, and games and festivals ; and 
the arts inspired by the religious sentiment, which have 
given us our fine churches, cathedrals, and colleges. 

We have had also another great " determinative ele- 
ment" to assist our country in its growth and progress : 
a government and laws superior to any in the history of 
the world ; a form of government which, I believe, is 
destined to be the model for all other countries of 
the world — a government founded on morality and 
religious sentiment ; a government popular in its foun- 
dation and popular in its exercise ; a government of 
high character, because the general moral and intel- 
lectual character of the community has been high, 
because there have been adequate rewards to labor 
and industry, a share in the pubHc interests, a stake in 
the community on the part of well-employed and well 



4 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

paid citizens, who never conld have been intelligent 
and virtuous and at the same time poor and idle ; a 
great government because it has shown that an edu- 
cated, enlightened community of high character is 
capable of self-government, and that religious freedom 
and tolerance do not necessarily produce indifference 
to reUgion; a government with a free press for the 
people, not a government press; a government that 
has, by the power of its example and the general tone 
which it has inspired, assisted woman to a high influ- 
ence on the morals and sentiments of the community 
in the training and instruction of the young, that has 
made the American mother the strongest bulwark of 
public liberty and of the perpetuity of a free Constitu- 
tion ; a safe government, in which public faith is confi- 
dently reposed ; a government with a strong protecting 
power in a high and pure judicial branch ; a government, 
not a compact between States, but a government by the 
whole and for the whole people of the United States ; 
a government whose first object was the preservation 
of our liberty, this being accomplished by maintaining 
constitutional restraints and just divisions of pohtical 
power; a government with a Constitution framed for 
union and to " establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quillity, provide for the common defense, and promote 
the general welfare,'' and " to secure the blessings of 
liberty " to us and to our children — ^^a Constitution the 
bond of our Union and the security of our liberties — 
a Constitution made for our good and administered 
for our good, and, if need be, to be defended against 
all the powers of the world for our good. 



INTRODUCTORY. iy 

We have had a sixth ^'determinative element'' in onr 
growth and history, namely, religion and religions tol- 
eration, that has exercised a great influence on our na- 
tion, and has molded our community into what it is. 
Progress is the development of the energies and re- 
sources of a nation, and the condition of civilization is 
where all these energies and resources are developed 
symmetrically and to a high degree ; and we find both 
progress and civilization in their highest state where 
we find the acceptance of the Christian religion. 

We have had the conditions and momenta of pro- 
gress to assist us in rapidly becoming a great nation. 
We have had the growth of wants ; racial and national 
endowments ; geographical surroundings ; the commin- 
gling with other nations, which has prevented us from 
becoming fossilized and our progress from becoming 
checked; and the influence of great men, who have 
made their mark on the history of our country — our 
Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, John Jay, Clay, Web- 
ster, Adams, Choate, Everett, Lincoln, Grant, Horace 
Greeley, Henry Ward Beecher, Blaine, Phillips Brooks^ 
and many others whose labors were effective because 
there was a readiness to respond in the national and 
racial mind at the time — men whose work is their best 
eulogy, as it has resulted in making our country a 
great example to other nations in the recognition of 
the equality of all men before the law, and the right 
of every people to govern itself under a republican 
form of government in place of forms of monarchy 
and aristocracy; in proving that popular institutions 
founded in equality and the principle of representation 
1* 



6 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

are capable of maintaining governments, able to secure 
the rights of person, property, and of reputation ; and 
in giving to us a free representative government, en- 
tire religious liberty, improved systems of national 
intercoui'se, an unconquerable spirit of free inquiry, a 
diffusion of knowledge throughout the land, and last, 
but not least, a judiciary the spotless ermine of whose 
judicial robes has never been soiled by entertaining 
opinions hostile to the just powers of the Constitution 
of the United States of America. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE CONSTITUTION. 

THE Constitution of tlie United States of America 
is the fundamental law of our country. It is the 
bond of our union and the security of our liberties. 

It is the duty of every wise and patriotic citizen of 
the United States to maintain the Constitution, the 
Union, and the laws. This is his first and highest 
duty. Disobedience to the laws of the country is un- 
patriotic and treasonable. 

The supreme law of the country consists of the Con- 
stitution, acts of Congress passed in pursuance of it, 
and the public treaties. Congress is the legislature 
of all the people of the United States. The judiciary 
of the general Government, or the Supreme Court of 
the United States, is the judiciary of all the people of 
the United States. It belongs to Congress and to the 
courts of the United States to settle the construction 
of the supreme law of our country in all doubtful cases. 
They alone can construe and interpret the law to the 
people, and upon Congress and the courts of the United 
States rests the right of ultimate decision, which is su- 
preme over the authority of any particular State. 

The Constitution of the United States, therefore, is 

7 



8 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

a government proper, founded on the adoption of the 
people and creating direct relations between itself and 
individuals. 

No State authority has power to dissolve these rela- 
tions. Any attempt by a State to do away with or 
arrest the operation of an act of Congress within her 
limits, on the ground that, in her opinion, such law is 
unconstitutional, is an act which in its character and its 
tendency is revolutionary, unpatriotic, and dangerous 
to the stability of our Amercian form of government. 

The Supreme Court of the United States is always 
the final interpreter of the supreme law of our country. 
It is the duty of every citizen of the United States to 
cherish a respect for the authority, compliance with 
the laws, and acquiescence in the measures of the Gov- 
ernment of the country. 

The Constitution of our country secures the full en- 
joyment of all human rights alike to every citizen of 
the United States. 

The principles of our Government are liberty and 
/ equality, established law and order, security for public 
1 liberty and private right, a general system of education 
liberally diffused, the free exercise of- every religious 
creed and opinion, and brotherly love and harmony. 
This is what the Government of the United States 
means both to native-born American citizens and to 
those who come to this country from abroad to reside 
here as citizens. The protection of life and property, 
the lutbeas corpus, trial by jurj^, the right of open trial, 
are principles of public liberty which the laws secure 
to every citizen. 



THE CONSTITUTION. 9 

j The people are the source of all political power in the 
/ United Sta,tes. They can only exercise it by their Rep- 
V resentatives. The basis of representation is suffrage, 
or the right to choose Representatives by voting at 
each State and national election. This is the manner 
in which power comes from the people and gets into 
the hands of conventions, legislatures, courts of law, 
and the President of the United States. 

It is to protect every citizen in his rights of citizen- 

/ ship that the right of suffrage is guarded, protected, 

[ and secured against force and against fraud, and that 

\ the exercise of the right of suffrage is prescribed by 

previous law ; also that its qualifications, the time and 

place of its exercise, and the manner of its exercise 

(always under the supervision of sworn officers of the 

law) are prescribed by previous law. 

The results of each election are certified to the cen- 
tral power by a certain rule, by known pubhc officers, 
in a clear and definite form, so that every citizen en- 
titled to vote may vote, and that his vote may be sent 
forward and counted. Every citizen in this manner 
exercises his part of political power in common with 
his fellow-citizens. 

It follows, therefore, that all good citizens should 
see that among the candidates for the high offices in 
the gift of the people of the State and of the United 
States they give their votes to such as honor and 
respect the State and the Government of the United 
States, and to no other. 

Although the existence of political parties under our 
form of government cannot be avoided, people can 



10 A NANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

avoid excesses of party spirit. At each State and 
national election all good citizens should inquire first 
into the men and measures that are placed before them 
for their votes and support, before inquiring to what 
party the men belong or what party recommends the 
measui'es. Every man in voting should use his intelli- 
gence, his integrity, his virtue, and his patriotism, 
and he should realize his deep responsibility as to the 
effect of his individual vote on the State and on the 
nation. Will the man for whom I cast my vote admin- 
ister the government and laws in accordance with the 
principles of our Constitution, in his high office of 
Governor of the State or President of the United 
States ? That is the question. Will he do his part 
wisely and patriotically to seciu^e to our countrj^, dur- 
ing his administration of power, the blessings of a 
free, enhghtened, liberal, and popular government? 
That is what I want to feel sure of. Will the com- 
munity under his rule be a well-employed and prosper- 
ous community? That is indispensable for every citi- 
zen to decide for himself in voting for a candidate for 
office. No good citizen should ever substitute party 
for country. He should seek other" ends than party 
ends and other approbation than party approbation in 
casting his vote. He should think first of good gov- 
ernment, of the honest and faithful exercise of all the 
powers of the Constitution, of the blessings of liberty, 
and of all the benefits of union. 

It is equally necessary that every branch of the Gov- 
ernment and that every man in pubhc office should 
submit to the limitations and restraints of the Con- 



THE CONSTITUTION. 11 

stitntion and never assume to exercise an authority 
above the Constitution and the laws. No public officer, 
acting in the name of the people and by the authority 
of the people, should ever act or exercise his power 
without legal right or constitutional sanction. The 
Grovernment is the agent and servant of the people, not 
the people's master. 

It is the duty of every citizen of the United States 
to love and reverence and to defend and maintain the 
Constitution of the country against everything which 
may weaken, endanger, or destroy it. 

American hberty depends upon every good citizen 
upholding the Constitution and the Union of States of 
our country ; and every man who has the love of coun- 
try and the pride of country in his heart will uphold 
them. The people of the United States have a right to 
good government. 

The Government of the United States, created by 
the people for the people, has a right to unquestioning 
loyalty and obedience to the Constitution and to the 
laws from the people. Both have their inalienable 
rights. We should always remember that the Consti- 
tution was framed by the "fathers" of our country 
" to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, to 
secure the blessings of liberty, and to insure domestic 
tranquillity.'' 

It is the duty of citizenship to remember with rev- 
erence and admiration our American ancestors, the 
Pilgrim fathers, who landed at Plymouth from the 
"Mayflower," and who made the first settlements of 
New England ; to remember the names of Carver and 



12 A :manual of citizenship. 

Bradford, of Standish, Brewster, and Allerton, and to 
remember that they came for ci^^il and religions liberty 
and freedom. 

It is the dnty of citizenship to remember the Revo- 
lutionary struggle which resulted in American inde- 
pendence j to remember the names of Warren, Pres- 
cott, Putnam, Lafayette, and General Washington ; to 
forever teach our childi^en to emulate the character 
and the life of Washington ; to teach them that that 
name is synonymous with patriotism, wdth unspotted 
purity of public faith, sacred public piinciple, fidelity 
and honor, and with love of country and pride of 
country ; to forever teach them to remember with af- 
fection and gratitude the founders of oui' Republic 
— Adams, Jefferson, Quincy, Hamilton, Clay, Webster, 
Choate, and John Jay. 

It is the duty of citizenship to remember Secession, 
Civil War, and Reconstruction, which resulted in the 
emancipation of the slave ; and to remember the names 
of Abraham Lincoln, Charles Sumner, Daniel Webster, 
General Grant, General Sherman, Henry Ward Beecher, 
and James A. Garfield, and of all those who gave their 
lives for the preservation of our Constitution and our 
Union. We must all remember to properly appreciate 
our constitutional liberty and our national blessing of 
a free and united government. We should remember 
that life, liberty, reputation, and property all depend 
upon the upright administration of justice, and that 
our courts of law, independent judges, and enlightened 
juries are the citadels of our popular liberty. 



CHAPTER III. 

LABOR. 

THE producing canse of all the prosperity of the 
country is labor. The American people are a 
laboring people. We live by labor and 'actual em- 
ployment. The Constitution protects this labor and 
industry, and American labor is protected against the 
injurious competition of foreign labor by the protec- 
tive principle in national government. The American 
laboring man is active, spirited, industrious; and a 
good government secures to labor the means of edu- 
cation and the reasonable certainty of procuring a 
competent livelihood by industry and sobriety. Every 
laborer has a stake in the welfare of the community. 
As the laboring man lays up money and acquires a 
competence for his family and for his children, the 
Grovernment protects his j)roperty and his right to 
property. The people come to possess property in this 
country by industry and by saving. Their property, 
therefore, is entitled to protection, and its protection or 
its influence is not hostile to the rights and privileges 
of any of the people of the State. All citizens should 
understand that the great reason why communism is 
not the proper form of society, and why everybody 

13 



14 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

should not have an equal share of the products of 
labor, is that men are not alike ; they differ in mental 
power and physical ability- and as the result of the 
labor of men is different, there is no reason why the 
wealth of the nation should be equally divided. Every 
citizen has his rights under the laws of the country. 
As a wage-earner, the law protects his labor and his 
earnings. When by industr}^ and frugahty he has 
amassed some money, and he puts this money into 
business or manufactures or agriculture, and becomes^ 
so to speak, a capitalist, the law protects him in his 
rights of propert}^ and in his rights as an employer, 
Just as it did before in his rights as the employed. 

The price of labor in the United States is higher 
than in any civihzed country, and this is the greatest 
of all proofs of general happiness. Labor in this 
country is independent and proud. It does not ask 
the patronage of capital, but capital asks the aid of 
labor. The protection extended under our laws to 
capital is as nothing to that which is given to labor. 
The protective policy of the United States is designed 
primarily for the protection of labor. It was the pour- 
ing in of a flood of foreign manufactures that gave 
the first impulse toward the adoption of a Constitution 
for our OA\Ti protection, and the labor of the whole 
country has been protected under it ever since. The 
result of the protection of labor has been to multiply 
the modes of its employment. Protection has pre- 
vented the cheaper labor of Europe from underbidding 
American labor in everything, and it has prevented 
overwhelming importations from abroad from break- 



LABOR. 15 

ing up American establisliments. It lias given to labor 
a steady price and security, and has prevented the re- 
duction of the price of labor. It has protected labor, 
so that labor has not had employment taken away from 
it, and so that it has not been driven from its accus- 
tomed pursuits. Under our Constitution and our laws 
we have had a well-employed and a prosperous com- 
munity that could buy food and clothing, and enjoy 
good educational advantages for their children, and 
have happy homes. Under our Constitution and our 
laws the laboring community have had constant em- 
ployment and well-paid labor, and have been prosper- 
ous, contented, and happj^ to an extent known to no 
other laboring community in the civilized world under 
any other form of government. Every one in the 
United States has some form of employment tha,t re- 
quires personal attention, either of oversight or manual 
performance — some form of active business. We are 
Americans and we are laborers. 



CHAPTER IV. 

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORDER. 

Foreigners.— President of the United States.— Conimon=School System. 
Religion.— The Race Question.— The Law.— Arbitration. 

IT is the duty of citizenship to see tliat there is no 
tumult, no violence, and no wrong in the exercise 
of the power by the people ; that it shall be exercised 
only as prescribed by law, by representation — never in 
masses, in violent popular commotions, setting law at 
defiance and trampling on the rights of citizens and of 
the people. Assembled masses cannot put themselves 
above the law and act by force ; neither can individ- 
uals incite others to act by force and contrary to law 
without being punished. If they could we should have 
no constitutional means of security, and we should be 
at the mercy of anarchy, revolution, and violence. Pru- 
dence, wisdom, and justice all forbid it, for the social and 
political order of the State would be threatened with 
overthrow were the people to permit such outrages. 

Foreigners — Their CitizensMp Duties. 

Every foreigner residing in the United States, owes 
to this country allegiance and obedience to our laws so 
long as he remains in it, as a duty imposed upon him 

16 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORDER. 17 

by the mere fact of his residence and the temporary 
protection which he enjoys, and is as much bound to 
obey our laws as native-born American citizens. 

The President of the United States. 

It is the duty of citizenship, irrespective of party or 
party affiliations or ties, to patriotically support the 
President in all his measures. He represents our do- 
mestic interests, our foreign relations, and our honor 
and character among other nations of the world. He 
also administers and maintains the Constitution and 
the Government of our country. 

The Common- School System. 

It is the duty of citizenship to maintain our public- 
school system and all our educational agencies, as of 
the greatest value to the State. On the diffusion of 
education among the people rests the safety of our 
free institutions. 

Religion. 

It is the duty of citizenship to fear God and keep 
his commandments, and to maintain the Christian min- 
istry and the institutions for church worship. Let 
nothing extinguish the moral illumination of the Sab- 
bath day in the United States. 

The Race Question. 

It is the duty of citizenship to remember that there 
are seven million colored people in the United States^ 



18 A ]\IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

and that under the influence of education and freedom 
they will improve as the rest of the human race do, and 
become good citizens, intelligent and well-to-do. They 
should be treated as good, loyal, law-abiding citizens 
who would with equal readiness with the rest of us 
fight under the stars and stripes to preserve our coun- 
try if it should be periled by war. They should be 
protected in all their civil rights. 

Tlie Law. 

It is the duty of citizenship to remember that every 
citizen owes the State submission to the laws when 
regularly pronounced constitutional. Resistance to 
the laws is revolution or rebellion. 

The criminal law restrains the liberty of the few 
offenders, that the many who do not offend may enjoy 
their liberty. It punishes to prevent the repetition of 
crimes. Every unpunished murder takes away from 
the security of human life. The upright administra- 
tion of justice renders it necessary that in the of&ce of 
judge, upon whom rests the responsibility of lives, lib- 
erty, and property, there should be spotless integrity 
and high character. 

Arbitration is settling a dispute between nations or 
individuals by peaceful adjustment instead of by re- 
sort to war or to the law. It is always to be preferred 
whenever possible. 



CHAPTER V. 

LAWS AGAINST REBELLION AND INSURRECTION IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 

THE Government of the United States has enacted 
laws to protect itself and its authority as a govern- 
mentj and to protect its authority over those agencies 
to which, under the Constitution and the laws, it ex- 
tends governmental regulations. To protect itself 
and its authority as a government it has enacted that 
"every person who entices, sets on foot, assists, or 
engages in any rebellion or insurrection against the 
authority of the United States or the laws thereof, or 
gives aid or comfort thereto," and " any two or more 
persons in any State or Territory who conspire to over- 
throw, put down, or destroy by force the Government 
of the United States, or by force to seize, take, or pos- 
sess any property of the United States contrary to the 
authority thereof," shall be visited by certain penalties. 

''Insurrection is a rising against civil or political 
authority ; the open and active opposition of a number 
of persons to the execution of law in a city or State." 

The Supreme Court of the United States has held 
that "the laws of the United States forbid, under 
penalty, any person from obstructing or retarding the 

19 



20 A IVIANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

passage of the mail, and make it the duty of the officer 
to arrest such offenders and bring them before the 
court. If; therefore, it shall appear that any person 
or persons have wilfully obstructed or retarded the 
mail, and that their attempted arrest for such offense 
has been opposed by such a number of persons as 
would constitute a general uprising in that particular 
locality, and as threatens for the time being the civil 
and political authority, then the fact of an insurrection 
within the meaning of the law has been established." 

Laws against Interference tvith Commerce. — Criminal 
Conspiracy against the Laws. 

The Supreme Court of the United States holds : " The 
Constitution places the regulation of commerce be- 
tween the several States and between the States and 
foreign nations within the keeping of the United States 
Grovernment. Anything which is destined to be trans- 
ported for commercial purposes from one State to an- 
other and is actually in transit, and any passenger who 
is actually engaged in any such interstate commercial 
transaction, and any car or carriage actually transport- 
ing or engaged in transporting such passenger or thing, 
are the agencies and subject-matter of interstate com- 
merce 5 and any conspiracy in restraint of such trade 
or commerce is an offense against the United States. 
To restrain is to prohibit, hmit, confine, or abridge a 
thing. The restraint may be permanent or temporary. 
It may be intended to prohibit, limit, or abridge for 
all time or for a day only. The law draws no distinc- 



AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 21 

tion in this respect. Commerce of this character is in- 
tended to be free^ except subject to regulations by law, 
at all times and for all periods. Temporary restraint 
is therefore as intolerable as permanent, and practical 
restraint by actual physical interference as criminal as 
that which flows from the arrangements of business 
and organization. Any physical interference, there- 
fore, which has the effect of restraining any passenger, 
car, or thing constituting an element of interstate com- 
merce forms the foundation for this offense. 

"But to complete this offense, as also that of con- 
spiracy to obstruct the mails, there must exist in addi- 
tion to the resolve or purpose the element of criminal 
conspiracy. 

Criminal Conspiracy Defined. 

" What is criminal conspiracy 1 If it shall appear to 
you that any two or more persons corruptly or wrong- 
fully agreed with each other that the trains carrying 
the mails and interstate commerce should be forcibly 
arrested, obstructed, and restrained, such would clearly 
constitute a conspiracy. If it shall appear to you that 
two or more persons corruptly or wrongfully agreed 
with each other that the employees of the several rail- 
roads carrying the mails and interstate commerce 
should quit, and that successors should, by threats, in- 
timidation, or violence, be prevented from taking their 
places, such would constitute a conspiracy. 

''The railroads carrying the mails and interstate 
commerce have a right to the service of each of their 
employees until each lawfully chooses to quit, and any 

2* 



22 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

concerted action upon the part of others to demand 
or insist, under any effective penalty or threat, upon 
their quitting, to the injury of the mail service or the 
prompt transportation of interstate commerce, is a con- 
spiracy^ unless such demand or insistence is pui-suant 
of a lawful authority conferred upon them by the men 
themselves, and is made in good faith in the execution 
of such authority. The demand and insistence, under 
effecti^^e penalty or threat, and injury to the transporta- 
tion of the mails or interstate commerce being proved, 
the burden falls upon those making the demand or in- 
sistence to show lawful authority and good faith in its 
execution. 

"If it appears to you, therefore, that any two or 
more persons, by concert, insisted or demanded, under 
effective penalties and threats, upon men quitting their 
employment, to the obstruction of the mails or inter- 
state commerce, you may inquii'e whether they did 
these acts as strangers to these men, or whether they 
did them under the guise of trustees or leaders of an 
association to which these men belonged. And if the 
latter appears, you may inquire whether their acts and 
conduct in that respect were in faithful and conscien- 
tious execution of their supposed authority, or were 
simply a use of that authority as a guise to advance 
personal ambition or satisfy private malice. 

" There is honest leadership among these our labor- 
ing fellow-citizens, and there is doubtless dishonest 
leadership. You should not brand any act of leader- 
ship as done dishonestly or in bad faith unless it clearly 
so appears. But if it does so appear, if any person is 



AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 23 

shown to have betrayed the trust of these toiling men, 
and their acts fall within the definition of crime as I 
have given it to you, it is alike the interest, the plea- 
sure, and the duty of every citizen to bring them to swift, 
and heavy punishment. 

Law must he Vindicated. 

" I wish, in conclusion, to impress upon you the fact 
that the present emergency is to vindicate law. If no 
one has violated the law under the rules I have laid 
down, it needs no vindication • but if there has been 
such violation, there should be quick, prompt, and ade- 
quate indictment. 

"I confess that the problems which are made the 
occasion or pretext for the present disturbances have 
not received the consideration they deserve. It is our 
duty as citizens to take them up and by candid and 
courageous discussion ascertain what wrongs exist and 
what remedies can be applied. But neither the exist- 
ence of such problems nor the neglect of the public 
hitherto to adequately consider them justifies the vio- 
lation of law or the bringing on of general lawlessness. 
Let us first restore peace and punish the offenders of 
the law, and then the atmosphere will be clear to think 
over the claims of those who have real grievances. 
First vindicate the law. Until that is done no other 
questions are in order." 



CHAPTER yi. 

NATIONAL AND STATE GO^^RNINIENT. 

THE Congress of the United States consists of the 
Senate and Honse of Representatives. 

The Senate is composed of two members from each 
State. In most States they are elected by the votes of 
the Legislature. 

The members of the House of Representatives are 
elected by the people of each State. 

All measures which are to become laws must be 
passed by both Senate and House of Representatives. 
The bills are then sent to the President, and if ap- 
proved by him become law. 

There are several executive departments of the na- 
tional Government, and the heads of these departments 
are cabinet officers or advisers and counselors of the 
President as to the whole work of the administration. 
There is a Secretary of State ; Secretary of the Trea- 
sury; Secretary of War ; a Postmaster-General; Sec- 
retary of the Navy; Secretary of the Interior; and 
Secretary of Agriculture ; and we have also an Attor- 
ney-General. 

The Secretary of State conservatively guards over our 
relations with other nations and sees that they remain 

24 



NATIONAL AND STATE GOVERNMENT. 25 

undisturbed by any serious controversy. He adjusts 
any complicating and threatening differences that may 
arise with other countries. He negotiates commercial 
agreements relating to reciprocal trade with other coun- 
tries. He takes especial care to secure markets for 
American farm products, in order to relieve the great 
underlying industry of our country of the depression 
which the lack of an adequate foreign market for our 
surplus often brings. He also takes especial care to 
make an opening for manufactured products, so as to 
augment the export trade of the country. He opens 
new lines of trade and thus helps commerce, agri- 
culture, and manufactures. He watches over the polit- 
ical relations and trade relations existing between the 
United States and foreign countries, and preserves mu- 
tual respect and confidence and a friendly intercourse 
and peace. 

The Secretary of the Treasury takes care of the state 
of the public revenues ; reduces the public debt as far 
as possible ; watches over what is paid out for pen- 
sions; sees that the revenues are collected and the 
expenditures for all purposes are paid and the surplus 
properly used; makes estimates based upon existing 
laws and a continuance of existing business conditions ; 
sees that public confidence remains unshaken in the 
purpose and ability of the Government to maintain the 
parity of all our money issues whether coin or paper ; 
takes care that the demand for gold in Europe does 
not drain our national treasury of gold, etc. 

The Secretary of War watches over the reorganiza- 
tion of the infantry and artillery arms of the service ; 



26 A ]\IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

keeps the organization of oiu' small standing army on 
the most approved basis j sees that new army-posts 
have the proper strategic relations to onr sea-coast 
and to our northern and southern boundaries ; works 
for the organization and enlargement of the Bureau of 
Military Information, and for our armament and coast 
defenses. 

The Postmaster- General sees that the great business 
of the Post-office Department is conducted efficiently 
and progressively. He watches over the increase in 
post-office revenues, the number of post-offices, and the 
miles of mail-carriage. He sees that new hamlets and 
towns have new offices and that new routes are estab- 
lished for the extension of border settlements. He 
extends to the post-offices of the larger cities the merit 
system of promotion. He contracts for new ocean mail- 
routes to develop our merchant marine upon the sea. 

TJie Secretary of the Navy presides over the construc- 
tion of our new navy ; he increases the navy, that we 
may become, as we should, a great sea power. He 
sees that we have the best capacity in construction, in 
ordnance, and in everytliing involved in the building, 
equipping, and sailing of great war-ships. He sees 
that the war-ships have the best defensive plates of the 
highest resisting power 5 that we have the best torpe- 
does and armor-piercing shells, and the best powder and 
projectiles. He builds up a strong naval militia as a 
powerful influence for peace and a sense of security. 

The Secretary of the Interior presides over the taking 
of the national census; the opening of areas of new 
lands to settlement ; the cessions of Indian lands for 



NATIONAL AND STATE GOVERNMENT. 27 

settlement^ the general land-office; issues agricul- 
tural patents to settlers upon the public lands, which 
give them an assured title to their entries, which is of 
great benefit in developing the new States and the 
Territories; watches over the Indian Bureau, seeing 
that the Indians are civilized and educated ; and takes 
care of the disabled soldiers. 

The Secretary of Agriculture presides over and looks 
out for an enlarged usefulness and progressive work in 
this important department. He breaks down, wher- 
ever he can, restrictions to the free introduction of 
our meat products in the countries of Europe. He 
works for increased exportation, and has careful in- 
spections made to exclude from all cargoes diseased 
or suspected cattle. He also exercises careful super- 
vision of aU cattle brought into this country, by in- 
spection and quarantine, to prevent diseases being 
introduced which would injure our own cattle indus- 
try. He works for large agricultural exports and for 
the benefit of the American farmer. He suggests new 
use of various products as articles of human food, and 
watches for large and important markets for our Amer- 
ican products. 

Tlie Attorney- General conducts the work of the de- 
partment of justice. He secures from courts decisions 
giving increased protection to the officers of the United 
States, and brings some classes of crime that escape 
local cognizance and punishment into the tribunals of 
the United States. He watches over the claims pend- 
ing against the Government in the Court of Appeals. 
He gives advice in the cases where applications for 



28 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

executive clemency are presented in behalf of persons 
convicted in United States courts and given peniten- 
tiary sentences. He is necessarily a man of great 
professional skill. 

A New Department Needed. — There is an urgent need 
for a national Department of the Public Healthy which 
shall have a secretary, who should also be a cabinet 
officer, to watch over the lives and the health of citizens 
of the United States. Quarantine relations should be 
uniform at all our ports. Under the Constitution they 
are plainly within the exclusive federal jurisdiction, 
when and so far as Congress shall legislate. The sub- 
ject of protecting the lives and the health of our citi- 
zens should be taken into national control, and ade- 
quate power given the President to protect the people 
against the invasion of cholera, yellow fever, typhus 
fever, etc. The citizens have a right to demand this 
reform. 

The President of the United States stands as the senti- 
nel of the people over their rights and liberties. He 
watches over the situation of the whole country. He 
carefully scrutinizes the general conditions affecting 
the commercial and industrial interests of the United 
States. He works for a high degree of prosperity and 
a general diffusion of the comforts of life for the whole 
people. He advises with his cabinet officers as to their 
department work. This country has been blessed by 
God with a succession of good Presidents who have 
worked to keep our country great, glorious, and pros- 
perous, respected both at home and abroad. 

The Legislature of each State consists of the State 



NATIONAL AND STATE GOVERNMENT. 29 

Senate and the Assembly. The members of both bodies 
are elected by the people. The modes of these State 
elections are different in different States. Men are 
sent to each State Legislature to make the laws for 
that State. 

The Judiciary. ■ 

Each State has its own judiciary system, and this 
varies in different States. 



PART II. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PERSONAL LIFE OF CITIZENS. 
The Elements that go to make up the Most Useful Citizen. 

IT is the duty of a citizen to lead a life of intense 
ambition and energy, of broad humanity^ and of 
love and obedience to God. 

To read pnre and good books wliicb "will teach him 
the grand traits of great men. 

To live as a citizen, directing his life and actions 
with reference to those among whom he lives. 

To be ready to do his part as a citizen of the political 
community in which he lives. 

To remember that all men are his brothers. 
He must find out, as a young man, what he has a 
talent for, and then bend all his energies to the accom- 
phshment of that object in life ; and he must have high 
ideals, i.e., good and virtuous ends of life. 
He must be honest, truthful, and just. 
>'He must observe moderation in all things. 

.30 



PERSONAL LIFE OF CITIZENS. 31 

He mnst labor to improve himself and others. - 

He must have modesty and a manly character. 

He must have piety, beneficence, and simplicity in 
his way of living. 

He should be able to endure labor and to work with 
his own hands. 

He should be benevolent and cheerful in his disposi- 
tion. 

He should have the power of readily accommodating 
himself to all. 

He should be a firm believer in our Government, 
founded on the principle of equal rights and equal 
freedom of speech. 

He must learn self-government. 

He must have an unchangeable resolution in the 
things which he determines to do after due delibera- 
tion, an undeviating firmness of character, and a love 
of labor and perseverance. 

He must have a habit of careful inquiry in all mat- 
ters of deliberation. 

He must always act conformably to the institutions 
of his country, i.e., the United States of America. 

He must love every star and every stripe in the flag 
of our country, and he must be always ready to defend 
the flag at his country's call. 

He must exhibit prudence and economy in the man- 
agement of his own affairs, and of any that are intrusted 
to his administration. 

He must be a good son. 

As he reaches adult age he must choose a woman of 
high and pure womanhood for his wife. 



t^ 



32 A jmanual of citizenship. 

He must be a good husband and father. 

He must be a self -centered man, not disturbed by 
externals. 

He must know the world thoroughly, and yet keep 
himself pure and unspotted from the world. 

He must reverence the good. 

He must exhibit in his life and character justice, 
temperance, and fortitude. 

He should never break a promise or lose his self- 
respect. 

He should have gentleness, manliness, fidelity, sim- 
plicity, and contentment. 

He should follow the dictates of reason seriously, 
vigorously, and calmly. 

He must observe the laws of health and cultivate a 
sound and vigorous body. Early rising and retii'ing, 
free bathing, sleeping in well- ventilated rooms at night, 
temperance in eating, the avoidance of alcoholic stimu- 
lants as a beverage, and the avoidance of violent pas- 
sions will keep most persons sound and healthy and 
Jong-lived. Alcohol is a j^olson, not a food. 
V , He must uphold the family, the chui'ch, and the State, 
and be a true man in his relations with all these integ- 
^ ral parts of the nation. i 

He will reverence God and help men. * 

He will be pious without being superstitious. 

He will uphold religion, learning, liberty, and law, 
as the four great forces of oui* ci\dhzation. 

He will encourage science, letters, and art. •- 

He will be true to himself, to his country, and to his 
God. 



PERSONAL LIFE OF CITIZENS. 33 

He will do what lie does with reference to the good 
of mankind. 

He will order his life well in every act. 

Whether he represents labor or capital his first 
thought will be the good of his country. 

He will be ever ready to strive for national health, 
r^ wealth, and reputation, and make his every act a com- 
ponent part of social life. 

He will be simple and he will be good. 
^ He will seek to guard the State from harm, and will 
uphold law and order as against socialism and anarchy. 
^^ He will train up his children to be good citizens, and 
strive to make them good and wise. 

He will teach his children to do something for the 
general interest and to uphold the Union of States in 
our country. 

He will exhibit strength, nerve, and courage. 

He will teach his children, as future citizens, if a 
thing is not right not to do it ; if it is not true, not to 
say it. 

He will teach them to do nothing inconsiderately or 
without a purpose, and to make their acts refer to a 
social end. 

He will make good citizens of them by rearing them 
to do justice and to tell the truth, and to exhibit energy, 
love, and faith. 

The duty of citizenship in relation to children is to 
teach them purity and excellence of character before 
intellectual culture. 

A man may be poor and yet have character in its 
highest form, and the most useful citizen of the United 
3 



34 A ]\IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

States is he who has character of the highest form. 
He is worth more to the Republic than a man of 
wealth who has with his wealth corruption, luxury, 
and vice. 

The combination of character of the highest form, 
a splendidly cultured mind, and wealth, is a combina- 
tion of the highest use to the State and to the nation ; 
but a man can be a most useful citizen without wealth, 
which is often a curse instead of a blessing. 

In emergencies of State and nation we want men of 
honest, manly hearts and high moral character. 

A man may mold the character of his country and 
yet have no wealth. If he has a high character, the 
State may well regard him as one of its most useful 
and noblest citizens. 

The duty of citizenship is to elect men to the seats of 
government of State and nation, to make our laws and 
to administer them, who will hold with undeviating 
adherence to truth, integrity, and uprightness.. If they 
are men of splendid education and wealth, all the bet- 
ter ; but primarily it is the duty of citizenship to insist 
that they shall be useful citizens of the country, men 
of high character. Such men will have the esteem and 
confidence of their fellow-citizens, and make themselves 
felt at home and abroad. 

Any country is rich who possesses citizens rich in 
virtues. 

The State needs men who will inspire respect and 
command confidence. 

The State IogJvS to life, character, and behavior, be- 
fore birth, parentage, and education. 



^ 



PERSONAL LIFE OF CITIZENS. 35 

The country wants men of reliableness of character 
as statesmen. 

Intellect alone in statesmen will not make a nation 
respected either at home or abroad. 

Character and intellect combined in statesmen give 
to them a personal influence which is felt throughout 
the country, and their thoughts and acts live after 
them. Such a man was George Washington, the father 
of our country. 

Great workers and great thinkers, men of industry, 
of integrity, of high principle, and of sterling honesty 
of purpose, are the corner-stone of the Republic, and 
constitute its true aristocracy. 

They stamp their mind on the nation. 

They inspire the lives of the citizens of our country, 
and influence its history. 

The richest legacy a citizen can leave to his country 
is the example of a stainless life, of a great, honest, 
pure, noble character. 

The names and memoirs of such men never die, and 
national life is quickened by them and by their ex- 
ample. 

The sum of individual character makes national 
character. 

The most useful citizens of the United States are 
those who invigorate and elevate their country by do- 
ing their duty truthfully and manfully, and live hon- 
est, sober, and upright lives, making the best of the op- 
portunities for improvement that our country affords ; 
men who cherish the memory and example of the fathers 
of our country. 



36 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

With such citizens who can limit the influence our 
country can exert on the destiny of the world ? 

With such citizens America will live forever, because 
she deserves to live ; and the genius of America, whom 
it is the pride of our sculptors to represent as wearing 
the Phrygian cap of liberty on her brow, and trampling 
upon broken chains with her feet, and bearing aloft the 
aegis of eternal Justice, will never surrender her children 
to national death, but will rest secure on the character of 
her people, and on their industry, frugality, energy, and 
noble patriotism, on a national character formed of 
honor, order, obedience, virtue, and loyalty. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE DUTY OF CITIZENSHIP IN SHOWING SYMPATHY WITH 
NEW REPUBLICS. 

The New Republic of Hawaii.— A Typical Example of the Spirit of Freedom 
that will not be Enslaved by Tyranny. 

THIS new Republic, born on July 4, 1894, lies in 
mid-Pacific, on the northern verge of the tropics^ 
with a chmate tempered by the balmy trade- winds, in 
the direct line of traffic between every principal port 
of the Pacific Ocean, and with a wonderfully even tem- 
perature, magnificent mountain scenery, stupendous vol- 
canoes, a wealth of tropical vegetation, great material 
prosperity, and an advanced civilization. It is at once 
the commercial and strategic key of the Pacific Ocean, 
and to all intents and purposes it is an American re- 
public. It was converted to Christianity many years 
ago by American missionaries, and there is an enor- 
mous preponderance of the American element in Ha- 
waii. The estimated value of aU property owned by 
native Hawaiians is not over $3,000,000, while Ameri- 
cans own over $25,000,000. Over 92 percent, of the 
total foreign trade during 1890 was with our country. 
Practically all the exports were to, and 75 percent, of 
the imports were from, the United States, and 75 per- 

3* 37 



38 A IVIANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

cent, of the foreign carrying-trade was done by Ameri- 
can vessels. The Hawaiian Islands, now united under 
one Republic, number eight inhabited islands, with an 
area of 6740 square miles, or 500 miles larger than the 
combined area of Connecticut and Rhode Island. Hono- 
lulu is the capital city of Hawaii. It is situated on the 
south side of the island of Oahu, and is the princij)al 
seaport of the country. Its population is 23,000. The 
business portion is well built with brick and stone build- 
ings. Private residences are built of wood. It has 67 
miles of streets and drives. It has 15 miles of street- 
railway. It is lighted by electric lights. It has 1500 
telephones. It has a State prison, pubhc insane asy- 
lum, public hospital, old folks' home, and public hbrary 
and museum 5 also a fine Y. M. C. A. building. It has 
churches, first-class private schools, and a good public- 
school system, all children under foui'teen being com- 
pelled to attend school. It has a good waterworks sys- 
tem, and a fii'e department equipped with the latest 
steam fire-engines. There are a large yard and lawn, 
and a profusion of flowers and palms, round each house. 
Honolulu is a city of homes. The society is refined, 
cultured, and cosmopolitan. President Dole has been 
placed by the people of Hawaii as a sentinel over then* 
rights, liberty, and happiness. This new Republic re- 
ceived its birth from the usurpations of tyranny. Its 
Constitution is framed u23on truly republican princi- 
ples, and is designed to provide for the common pro- 
tection and the general welfare of the people of Hawaii. 
Every step by which the people of Hawaii have ad- 
vanced to the character of an independent nation has 



NEW REPUBLICS. 39 

been distinguislied by some token of God's agency; 
The foundations of their national policy are laid in 
the virtnons principles of private morality. May they 
ever enjoy union, peace, and liberty ! May theii* new- 
born Republic in its government mete out equal and 
exact justice to all men ; exercise peace, commerce, and 
friendship with all nations; preserve their Constitu- 
tion as their sheet-anchor ; keep their people up to the 
highest test of self-government — frequent elections — as 
a peaceable remedy for all abuses, with an absolute 
acquiescence in the will of the majority. The present 
government of Hawaii is the independent offspring of 
the popular will of the people. President Dole and his 
cabinet are in power now, to administer a Constitution 
emanating immediately from the people, and trusted by 
the people to their administration ; and may God bless 
them, and give them the wisdom to govern the young 
Republic well! May the people of Hawaii preserve 
their Constitution, and see their happiness, prosperity, 
and renown grow with its growth and strengthen with 
its strength ! We the citizens of the United States bid 
our new sister-republic God-speed. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE DUTY OP CITIZENSHIP TO HONOR OUR REPRESENTA- 
TIVE WOMEN, TO RECOGNIZE THEIR INFLUENCE ON 
CIVILIZATION. 

" But the woman is the glory of the man." 

IN the days of antiquity, in the middle ages, in the 
days of the Renaissance, and in modern times, rep- 
resentative women have been the chief factors in the 
civilization of the world. The country is upheld by 
good women. The best in us we owe to our mothers 
and the home influences with which we were environed. 
The good mothers are the bulwark of a republic, as 
they convey their qualities to their children, the future 
citizens of the State. The qualit}^ of woman makes the 
career of man, and he should glorify her because she 
composes him. Every child that sets sail on the ocean 
of life gots its chart from woman. Man's prenatal life 
is girt all round with a zodiac of womanhood, and men- 
tal and moral force goes out from her whether she mil 
or not, and profits, with an electric touch, the world. 
The best armorial coat is the prenatal enwonment of 
a good woman. It is woman who, by communication 
with the Divine IntelHgence during the prenatal period 

40 



woman's influence recognized. 41 

of maiij introduces moral truths into the world. Woman 
is the subtile, irresistible, upward force of civilization. 
Born of a great woman our thoughts and manners 
easily become great, and man readily arrives at the in- 
tellectual and moral elevation of his mother. Women 
are the saviors from the errors of a fatal conformity to 
the world. They modify the conception of personal 
life and -duty in man. They shed their own abundant 
moral beauty on all mankind through the medium of 
their offspring. There is true ascension for civilization 
in the love of woman. The life of woman is the real 
biography of the genius of humanity. The key to the 
power of the greatest men is the quality of the mind 
of woman, and this quality descends. Man is but the 
exponent of the mind of woman. A great man be- 
comes transparent with the light of his first cause, his 
prenatal environment. The energy, love, and faith of 
the world ; the intense ambition, the broad humanity, 
and the love and obedience to God, which go to make 
up a perfect life, civilization owes to woman in a great 
measure. The great men of all civilized nations are 
the posterity of woman, and are tinged with her mind. 
Woman is the architect of civilization, and we should 
reserve all our gratitude for her. Woman puts all 
nations under contribution, supplements this with com- 
munion with the Divine Intelligence, and gives to the 
world a Shakespeare, a Bacon, a Milton, an Edmund 
Burke, a Plato, a Napoleon, a Washington, or a Henry 
Clay. The biography of man is interior. We are to 
account for his supreme elevation in the intellectual 
history of woman. She impresses his primary form of 



42 A ]\IAJSrUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. , 

thought with her seal ; she gives him his first uncon- 
scious strength ; and man's after-work, the great paint- 
ings and sculptures and the colossal architecture of the 
world, rightfulty is due to woman. To her is due the 
work of talent, of learning, and of genius. She gives 
to the world a Zoroaster, a Moses, a Luther, a New- 
ton, a Copernicus, or a Galileo, and is glorified in her 
work. The great schools and universities, the litera- 
ture of Greece and Rome, Oxford and Cambridge, Eton, 
Rugby, Harvard, and Yale, are due to woman. A 
French woman gave Rochambeau to stand by the side 
of Washington when Cornwallis gave up his sword. 
Catherine II. joined the so-called League of Neutrals, 
and the result of her act was to complete the discou- 
ragement of the British ministers, to break the stubborn 
will of George III., and to compel the acknowledgment 
of American independence. Woman gave us Alex- 
ander II. to take stand in our behalf at a crisis when 

c 

our national existence was at stake, the French emperor 
having put forth all his influence at Westminster to 
persuade the British Government to join him in inter- 
vening on the side of the Southern Confederacy. Then 
it was that the Czar who freed the Russian serfs caused 
his ambassadors at Paris and London to announce that 
if France and England undertook to assure the destruc- 
tion of our American Union, and to perpetuate the 
regime of slavery in the Western hemisphere, they 
would find Russia arrayed against them 5 and deeds suc- 
ceeded diplomatic warnings, in that one Russian fleet 
proceeded under sealed orders to our harbor, and another 
to the Bay of San Francisco. To a Russian woman 



woman's influence recognized. 43 

who gave the world Alexander II. the American Repub- 
lic owes a debt of gratitude she will not forget. 

Next to Executive Deity comes woman. She regen- 
erates the world by the balanced souls she brings into 
it, and the fairest fortune that can befall man is a good 
woman to love him. She makes his home, his church, 
his country. She is his supreme good. She purifies 
and reanimates his soul. The society of a cultured 
woman is a liberal education. The origin^oJ good 
organic character and disposition in man is woman. 
Man's best works are but the reflection of the passion 
of the soul of woman for all beaut^^ and goodness. 
Man, in proportion to his intellect, will admit her 
transcendent claims. Woman discloses, in every age 
and civilization, the germ of her expansion. She cre- 
ates the State in the citizen ; she is the ethicointellec- 
tual force of every republic. The prenatal existence 
of man born of a representative woman is the environ- 
ment of an atmosphere of great ideas, and habits pro- 
ceed from environment. Do we wonder that post- 
uatally he exhibits great talent or virtue or genius? 
With more reason might we wonder if he did not. 
Nature is always like herself. The creative force of 
woman fills earth and heaven with the chant of a Phillips 
Brooks, and glorifies the Divinity which she worships. 

Anthusa, a woman of rare Christian virtues, passes 
through the mystery of generation, and a mind of a 
coequal vigor of understanding and imagination is de- 
veloped, and a Chrysostom, whose name has been a 
synonym for Christian eloquence for more than fifteen 
hundred years, is given to the world. 



44 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Monica, a woman of remarkable piety and strength 
of mind, becomes the interpreter of the divine to mate- 
rialistic, iconoclastic man by giving to the world a St. 
Augustine, the most intellectual of all the fathers of the 
church. 

Woman introduces the divine in nature into the 
world to dignify life and impart intellectual and moral 
oxygen to a vitiated atmosphere charged with the car- 
bonic acid of materiahsm, skepticism, and idolatry, and 
Christ is born of the Vii'gin, and the whole future of 
the world is changed by a Saviour and pure, ethical 
lawgiver, who brings to man a love which in its gene- 
sis, fruition, and effect is everlasting life. The femi- 
nine in woman has become the virihty of the Christian 
religion; woman, therefore, is not only the sunshine 
and music of life — she is the might and dignity of life, 
her power consisting in the transmission of the idea of 
absolute, eternal truth. 

Woman, sweet in her self-surrender, becomes grand 
as she ascends to the highest grounds, and in a self- 
surrender to the moral sentiments becomes the beacon- 
light for all civilization. 

Women of high culture and character are more than 
equal companions of man. The glory of the American 
home is the dignity of character of American women. 
What is grandest and truest in a republic is the holy 
dignity of the souls of the women of that republic, and 
no wise statesman will ever ignore that fact in estimat- 
ing the forces of a nation. A cultivated woman is more 
than a tender companion. She shares a proud equality 
with man in influence and in powers of mind and heart. 



woman's influence recognized. 45 

and no man is capable of inspiring and guiding society 
— I use the word in its highest sense — as woman can. 
The cnltivated women and the gifted men make up 
the highest society of any nation. The dignity of the 
higher nature of woman, and the depths of a woman's 
soul in her loftiest aspirations, it is given but to few 
men to know. May this not be the reason, possibly, 
why her amusements are often trivial, her taste at times 
vitiated, her education sometimes neglected, her rights 
generally violated, and her aspirations scorned ? The 
true position of woman is that of the guardian angel 
of man, and it is due to her to give her, if she wishes 
them, greater and broader personal and jjroperty rights. 
In favoring woman man honors not only her, but him- 
self. The power of a man is very slight as compared 
with the power of a woman who unites high intellec- 
tual and moral culture with physical beauty. Such a 
woman is a perpetual benediction to the society in 
which she moves. Woman is capable of a lofty friend- 
ship and a divine sympathy understood by few, and 
she prefers an exalted life and can give strength, en- 
couragement, and wisdom to man. If woman in the 
nineteenth century asks for a greater intellectual free- 
dom and a deeper sympathy, give them to her. Repre- 
sentative women have always wanted them, and the rea- 
son is not far to seek : they are superior in the radiance 
of their souls and the treasures of their minds to most 
men — in friendship, more exalted; in love, more spir- 
itual ; in heroism, as fearless ; in religious enthusiasm, 
far superior; as sovereigns, as wise, enlightened, and 
patriotic ; in politics, with as clear perception and in- 



46 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

tellect ; in society, more inspiring ; in literature, as bril- 
liant ) as an educator, the best. Woman commands onr 
respect, our admii-ation, and our love, and we recognize 
in her a superior loftiness of character and a greater 
purity of mind than man's. The most fortunate woman, 
we think, is she who, spared the rough work of man, 
adorns a happy American home with her intellect and 
her beauty and her love ; worshiped alike by her hus- 
band, to whom her physical beauty is secondary to the 
brilliance of her mind and the radiance of her soul, and 
who enters into her loftiest aspirations, and by her 
children, who almost idolize her as she forms them by 
her tender solicitude to a career of exalted worth and 
greatness as good citizens of the United States. 

Mark what the greatest men have said of woman : 

Abraham Lincoln said : " All I am, or can be, I owe 
to my angel mother." 

Lord Beaconsfield said : "Nothing is of so much im- 
portance and of so much use to a young man entering 
life as to be well criticized by women." 

Tennyson said : 

" Lo, now, what hearts have men ! they never mount 
As high as woman in her selfless mood." 

Henry Ward Beecher said: "You that live long 
enough will see women vote, and when you see women 
voting you will see less lying, less brutality, and more 
public spirit, heroism, and romance, in public affairs." 

Goethe said: "If thou wouldst hear what is fitting 
and seemly, inquire of noble women." 

J. Stuart Mill said : " Women have shown fitness for 



woman's influence recognized. 47 

the highest social relations exactly in proportion as they 
have been admitted to them." 

Plato said : " Should not this sex which we condemn 
to obscnre duties be destined to functions the most 
noble and elevated ? " 

Ruskin says : ^^ No man ever hved a right life who 
had not been chastened by a woman's love^ strength- 
ened by her courage, and guided by her discretion." 



CHAPTER X. 

OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 
Religion, Learning, Liberty, Law— the Four Great Forces of Civilization. 

ONE of the subdivisions of ethnology is Government 
and Laws, by which the different races are con- 
trolled and their i3rosperity developed ; and it is to the 
snbject of the government, laws, and prosperity of onr 
Republic and her citizens that I ask yonr attention. 
We also find under the head of ethnology Eeligion, and 
a distinguished ethnologist has said that against men 
and nations under control of doctrines of this character 
the skeptical Greek, the materialistic Roman, and the 
effete Persian were as certain to succumb as though 
their dowirfall had been written on their temples by a 
divine hand. 

Professor Max Mliller says : " It is language and re- 
ligion that make a people, but religion is even a more 
powerful agent than language. Progress is the devel- 
opment of the energies and resources of a nation, and 
the condition of civilization is where all these energies 
and resources are developed symmetrically and to a 
high degree ; and we find both progress and civilization 
in their highest state where we find the acceptance of 

48 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 49 

the Christian religion." The greatest men that this 
country has ever produced have been churchmen of 
one denomination or another — Washington, Webster, 
Clay, Choate, and Everett. All history shows that re- 
ligion has always had an awakening and stimulating 
influence upon the intellectual powers. It is impos- 
sible that a nation should ever strive to imitate that 
which is its best and not actually grow toward some- 
thing which is really better. We may be sure that as a 
teacher of ethics religion would not so early and in so 
many instances have become associated with govern- 
ment had it not been seen that the duties of man to 
to man gained in observance through this connection. 
Even the faiths of the lower races have, in my opinion, 
acted as" a lever, lifting them toward a higher ethical 
life. A perfected social rule is necessary and good; 
literature, music, and art are necessary and good ; but 
religion is absolutely necessary to the symmetrical de- 
velopment of any nation, in accordance with the laws 
of progress, up to a complete civilization. Alexander 
of Macedon and Julius Ceesar ; Confucius and Moham- 
med ; Phidias and Raphael 5 Plato and Bacon ; Homer 
and Shakespeare, all availed themselves of the receptiv- 
ity to great thoughts and ambitions in the national and 
racial mind at the time to make their labors effective • 
and to-day the wisest and most far-sighted statesmen 
of our Republic will work together to teach the people 
that religion, learning, liberty, and law are the four 
great forces of civilization. The world to-day is going 
through a great process of evolution, which recognizes 
the equality of all men before the law, and the right of 
4 



50 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

every people to govern itself 5 tlie forms of monarchy 
and aristocracies will yield to republican governments, 
and international laws and arbiters will do away with 
wars and the necessity for maintaining standing armies -, 
and religion must be and is the great conservative prin- 
ciple by which, during this evolutionary period, social 
order and a perfected social rule shall be maintained, 
and upon which the destinies of republics yet unborn 
will in a great measure depend. 

Sistory of Our EejmUids FoUtics. 

When Niobe saw her fair sons and daughters falling 
under the swift darts of the angry gods she wept herself 
to stone 5 but the genius of America belies her symbols, 
she suppresses her aspirations, she opens the gates of the 
coming centuries to the advent of a remediless political 
bondage at the hands of the official or machine politi- 
cians, who care nothing for truth or convictions, while 
they have a ravenous appetite for distinction and prov- 
ender. Would we could awaken from the dead the 
once great and accomphshed leaders who now sleep in 
honored graves ! But no exigencies of state will ever 
again awaken the solemn eloquence of Webster, nor 
will the clarion voice of Clay ever again summon his 
lieges to the battle 5 neither can we recall the model 
Democrats of the nation : Jefferson, who wrote the 
Declaration of Independence ; Madison, Avho was one of 
the ablest expounders of the Constitution ; or Macon, 
who tolerated no injustice in legislation. The ambi- 
tion and hope of the fathers of out yet young Repubhc, 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 51 

with lier future in lier own liancls, was that she might 
see the States which were soon to become the children 
of her family growing up about her in prosperity, love, 
and vigor. She could watch over their cradles and 
keep them from harm j she could nourish them with 
manly strength ; she could form them by her wise and 
tender solicitude to a career of exalted worth and 
greatness. A new page in the history of mankind ap- 
peared to be opened — a page unblotted by the blood- 
stains of tyranny which mark the rubrics of the past, 
and destined to be written over only by the records of 
an ever-maturing nobleness and grandeur. This was 
the hope of the fathers of our Republic, who laid the 
beams of her habitation deep in the principles of vir- 
tuous freedom, and bequeathed to her the heroic prec- 
edent of single-hearted devotion to justice and right. 
All honor to Abraham Lincoln and the American peo- 
ple, that we have rescued the land to freedom from 
slaA?'ery. Let us now rescue the Republic from machine 
politics, and perpetuate, as far as we in this generation 
can, for centuries to come, the early virtues of our 
Republic, which were marvelous in their dignity and 
force. The earliest parties known to our history were 
those of the colonial times, when the grand debate as 
to the rights of the colonies was getting under way and 
all men took sides either as Whigs or Tories. They 
had imported their distinctive names and to some ex- 
tent their distinctive principles from the mother-coun- 
try, from the iron times of Cromwell and the Puritans 5 
but in the progress of the controversy, as it often hap- 
pens, they were led upon wholly new and vastly broader 



52 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

grounds of dispute than they had at first dreamed. The 
httle squabble as to the limits and reaches of the im- 
perial jurisdiction expanded into a war for national 
existence, nay, for the rights of humanity ; and what 
was at first a violent talk only about stamp duties 
and taxes on tea, mean and trivial even in its superfi- 
cial aspects, concealed the noblest political theories, the 
sublimest political experiments, that had yet been re- 
corded in the annals of our race. The Whigs of the 
Revolution in crashing the Tories of that day touched 
the secret spring of a new creation. They gave to the 
world a new idea, the American idea ; the conception 
of a state founded upon the inherent freedom and dig- 
nity of the individual man. It seemed as if, gathering 
out of the ages all the aspirations of great and noble 
souls, all the yearnings of oppressed peoples, they had 
concentrated them into one grand act of emancipation. 
They actualized the dreams of time, and in the latest 
age of the world and on a new continent introduced, as 
they fondly supposed, that reign of heavenly justice 
which the primitive golden ages had faintly fore- 
shadowed, which patriots had so struggled and sighed 
for in vain, and which the political" martyrs of every 
chme had welcomed only in beatific vision. It was 
this patriot party of the Revolution which gave the 
inspiration and impulse to the nation, which formed 
its character and sentiment and erected the standard 
of opinion designed for some years at least to be the 
guide in all movements. It fired the national mind 
by the warmth of its convictions, or rather by the fiery 
earnestness with which it fought its way to success, 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 5S 

into tlie single thought of democratic freedom, which 
has been the ground and substance of our national 
unity. The medley of settlers, chance-wafted hither- 
ward from the several corners of Europe, like seeds, 
borne by the winds, were nourished by it into an or- 
ganic whole, and have since been retained by its origi- 
nal influences, under all diversities of constitution, 
climate, and interest, in the coherence and uniformity 
of a national being. We are therefore infinitel}'' in- 
debted to our ancestors, whose sublime thought of Si 
free state, an inspiration greater than their knowledge, 
has been the fruitful germ of our best inward and out- 
ward life. No other people have had so grand a na- 
tional origin, for we were born in a disinterested war 
for rights and not for territory, and under the stimulus 
of an idea which still transcends the highest practical 
achievements of our race. It has been the greatness, 
the predominance, the profound inherency of this orig- 
inal American idea which, forcing general conviction, 
has produced the uniformity of our later parties, and 
confined their divisions to transient or trivial and per- 
sonal differences. But there is also another cause for 
that uniformity, in the fact that as societies advance 
in the career of civilization their poUtical divisions are 
less marked, but more subtile, in principle, and less 
gross, but more indirect, in the display of animosity and 
feeling. The progress of nations consists, or should 
consist, in the simplification and reduction of the ma- 
chinery of government, with which politics has chiefly 
to do, and the consequent extinction of politicians, who 
become more and more a pernicious class ; with, at the 



54 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

same timej a continuous aggrandizement of society 
itself, of its industry, its arts, its local improvements, 
and its freedom as well as order. Politicians for tlie 
most part are puny and contemptible specimens as 
statesmen. The most natural and the most permanent 
of our past political divisions arose out of the peculiar 
structure of the Federal Government, the nature and 
extent of its jurisdiction, and its relations to the States. 
As soon as the Constitution went into effect the dif- 
ferences which had almost defeated its ratification by 
the people were developed into strong and positive 
p>arty hostilities. The Federalists and the Anti-Fed- 
eralists took possession of the pohtical field, and the 
noise of their conflicts sounded through many years, 
giving a sting not only to the debates of the Senate, 
but embittering the intercourse of domestic life and 
leaving deep scars of prejudice on the reputation of 
eminent men as well as in the minds of their descen- 
dants. The mere disputes as to the authority of the 
general Government might not, perhaps, have led to 
such earnest and envenomed battles at the outset if 
they had not been complicated, especially under the 
leadership of Jefferson and Hamilton, Avith the pro- 
founder questions of individual rights just then agitat- 
ing the Old World with an intensity of feeling which 
amounted to frenzy. Hamilton, a man of talent, bred 
in camps, distrustful of the masses, an admirer of the 
British constitution, and accustomed to rule, was dis- 
posed to rely u23on the strong arm in government, and 
may be regarded as the representative of the sentiment 
of law ; while Jefferson, on the other hand, a man of 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 55 

genius, self-confident, generous, sanguine, tolerant of 
theories, an iconoclast if not a teacher of the French 
school of manners and thought, leaned to the sponta- 
neous action of the people, and was the representative 
of liberty. 

Thus the party of State Rights and the party of 
Liberty came to be identified, and took the name after 
a time of the Democratic-Republican party, while Fed- 
eralism, or the doctrine of a strong central govern- 
ment, jumped in naturally with the doctrine of law 
and order. There was a double pressure of tendencies 
separating the two parties and intensifying their ha- 
treds, and in the exacerbations of the times inducing 
them to accuse each other respectively of tyranny and 
licentiousness. A Federalist, in the opinion of the 
Republicans of those days, was only a monarchist in 
disguise, watching his opportunity to strangle the 
infant liberties of his country in the cradle, and to 
restore the emancipated colonies to their dependence 
upon Great Britain ; while the Federalist retorted the 
generous imputation of his adversary, by calling him a 
Jacobin, a scoundrel, and a demagogue, eager to up- 
root the foundations of order and let loose the lees and 
scum of French infidelity and French immorality upon 
society. We at this day, looking through the serener 
atmosphere of history, know that they were both mis- 
taken in their extreme opinions, and that they were 
both good patriots after all, necessary to each other, as 
it now appears, in tempering the dangerous excesses 
which might have followed the unchecked predomi- 
nance of either, and in giving a more uniform and 



56 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

stable action to our untried political system. In all 
the subsequent changes of parties, the distinction of 
federalist and Anti-Federalist has been maintained in 
theory at least, and it is a distinction that will pass 
away only with the final establishment of the truth. 

During the War of 1812-15 the Federahsts, as they 
were termed, were the most vigorous opponents of the 
use of power by the general Grovernment, and their 
most offensive acts, the proceedings of the Hartford 
Convention, were nothing else than an attempt, as it 
was deemed, to arrest and restrain the encroachments 
of the central authority upon the rights and interests 
of the separate States ; while, on the other hand, the 
most enormous exercise of that authority — the acquisi- 
tion of Louisiana by Jefferson, the suppression of 
South Carolina nullification by Jackson, the annexa- 
tion of Texas by Tyler — has been resorted to b}^ the 
leaders of the so-called Democratic or Anti-Federalist 
party. Indeed, so little consistency has been exhibited 
by parties in this respect that we have all observed 
that, in general, whatever party was in possession of 
the Federal Government has been disposed to push the 
use of its functions to the utmost -practicable verge, 
while the party out of power has opposed this use and 
assumed the virtue of continence. 

The primary idea of our institutions was, as we have 
seen, that of a free democratic Repubhc. The liberty 
and equality of the people was the animating spirit of 
our Revolution, and the inspiring genius of the consti- 
tutional structure to which it gave rise. But among the 
States which formed the elements of the Union there 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 57 

were some not strictly democratic and scarcely republi- 
can. There were aristocracies or oligarchies built upon 
a diversity of races. Their political and social privileges 
were confined to a class, while all the rest of their inhab- 
itants were slaves. The consequence was a growing 
divergency between the convictions, the interests, and 
the tendencies of one half the Union, which was emi- 
nently free and democratic, and those of the other half, 
which was slaveholding and aristocratic. By the year 
1854 the question of slavery had become the controlling 
question in the Republic's politics. There was now the 
Pro-Slavery party, which was the propagandist of slav- 
ery ; the Democrats who masqueraded in the faded ward- 
robe of democracy, but who cared more for office than 
principle, and the real Democrats, who still retained the 
aspirations of the Jefferson school; the Whigs, who 
were the legitimate depositaries of federal principles 
crossed and improved by modern liberalism ; the Fire- 
eaters, who seemed to be opposed to the union of the 
Northern and Southern States under any circum- 
stances ; and lastly, the Abolitionists, who were a moral 
rather than a political combination, though a large 
branch of them were not, in 1854, opposed to decided 
political action. The Abolitionists and the Fire-eaters, 
representing the extremes of Northern and Southern 
feeling, had no little influence on public opinion. In 
eloquence, earnestness, and integrity of purpose they 
were superior to the other parties, the Abolitionists in 
particular absorbing some of the finest abilitj^ of the 
country, oratorical and literary ; but they were both too 
extravagant in opinion and too violent in procedure. 



58 A 3IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Their denunciations of the Union, proceeding from con- 
trary views of its effects — the one condemning it be- 
cause it was supposed to sanction, and the other because 
it was supposed to interfere with, slavery — neutralized 
each other, and led more tranquil minds to a conviction 
that they were both alike wrong. The Constitution 
did not recognize the existence of slavery as such at 
all, and in no form except indii-ectly ; nor did it, on the 
other hand, confer upon the Government any authority 
for meddling with it, treating the subject, wisely as was 
thought, as a matter of exclusive State jurisdiction; 
yet the spiiit and letter of the Federal Constitution 
were alike instinct with freedom, and, rightly inter- 
preted, set up an insuperable obstacle against the ex- 
tension of any form of servitude. The malice of its 
enemies found its food, not in legitimate operations 
of the organic law, as the framers of it intended it 
to operate, but in those deviations which the craft of 
politicians had superinduced upon its action, in those 
workings and torturings of its structure by which it 
was made to cover selfish and flagitious local designs. 
It would have been well if some of the anathemas at 
that time pronounced upon the factions of an extreme 
type, upon the disunionists of either wing, had been 
leveled at these more formidable antagonists of the 
peace, the politicians, to whose unjust and reckless 
schemes we owe nearly all our violent national reac- 
tions. In 1854 the Whigs as a party were pretty 
much defunct. They had never succeeded in becoming 
for more than a year or two at a time a predominant 
party. Respecting the Southerners there were some 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 59 

who were the propagandists of slavery, and some who 
simply wished their peculiar domestic system to be let 
alone. The latter class deemed slavery a burden at 
best and a sad inheritance, and were anxious to man- 
age it wisely with a view to its ultimate extinction, and 
would have been glad to have been relieved of their 
painful weight of responsibility. The leaders of the 
Pro-Slavery party identified themselves with the popu- 
lar party of the North, and then, having accomplished 
that, gradually directed that party to the defense and 
spread of their peculiar doctrines. An eminent leader 
of the South, Mr. John C. Calhoun, while acting as 
Secretary of State, engaged in an official defense of 
the system of slavery before the tribunal of the w^orld, 
and disgraced the nation by representing the Federal 
Republic as the apologist and defender of the most 
mean and offensive species of despotism. The demand 
for the introduction of slavery into the new Territories 
of the West, the demand that the free States should be 
made a hunting-ground for slaves, Secession, the War 
of the Rebellion, and the final emancipation of the 
slaves by Lincoln, rescued this great, this beautiful, 
this glorious land from a hateful domination and made 
all Americans freemen ! 

We come now to the present. We have to-day no pro- 
found, radical, comprehensive questions to quarrel about 
either in the Republican or in the Democratic party. 
We want as a RepubHc a political party at the national 
helm who will show us a steady continuance in integ- 
rity, a deaf ear turned to the charming of the adders 
of office ; who will exhibit an eagerness to consult, amid 



60 A I\IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

all the sliiftings of policy, the fresli impulses of the 
honest young heart of the nation; and such a party 
will, ere long, gather about them the intellect, the vu^- 
tue, and the popular instincts of right, which are the 
redeeming elements of States. The best Republicans 
and Democrats are scattered through the respective 
parties at large and elsewhere, as leaven through meal, 
mthout having an effective control in them, or even, 
perhaps, connection. These are the men who repre- 
sent the popular instincts, who cling to living ideas of 
justice and equal rights and progress, and who refuse 
to follow their fellows in a pell-mell abandonment of 
themselves to the seduction of machine politicians of 
either party. They are not a few in number either 
North or South, and comprise a majority of the young 
men of the nation yet uncorrupted by official contact ; 
but possessing no separate organization anywhere, they 
are sadly overborne by the practised managers of the 
old organizations, who wield the machinery of party 
action and consequently of power. The other class 
comprise the official or machine poHticians, so denomi- 
nated because they move and talk as they are wound 
up, constituting a powerful body in- the State. Office 
is conferred, not as the meed of patriotic deserts, but 
as the wages of supple and mercenary service. They 
who dispense patronage do so in the conviction of 
Walpole that every man has his price, and they who 
receive it take it with a full knowledge that the stamp 
of venality is on every token of silver. Superiors in 
place are not superiors in merit, only superiors in craft 
and recklessness, while inferiors don the gilt lace and 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 61 

plush of their official varletism without a blush on their 
cheeks or a sense of shame at their hearts. Govern- 
ment, in short, is converted into a vast conspiracy of 
placemen, managed by the adroiter politicians of the 
set, controlling elections, dictating legislation, defeat- 
ing reforms, and infusing gradually its own menial 
and much-worn spirit into the very body of the com- 
munity. The masses even, under the paralysis of such 
a domination, seem to be rendered insensible to the 
usual influences of honor and virtuous principle ; are 
almost deadened to the heroic examples of their fathers ; 
lose the inspiriting traditions of an earlier greatness 
and grandeur of conduct ; and virtually, if not actually, 
sink into slaves. We claim that ours is a representa- 
tive government j yet under the present system of ma- 
chine politics a number of men, delegated for particu- 
lar purposes to Washington, possessing not a particle 
of authority beyond that conferred upon them by the 
people, neglect the objects for which they were chosen, 
and proceed to accomplish other objects which are not 
only not wished by their constituents, but are an out- 
rage upon their sincerest and deepest convictions. 
Can we call them representatives ? What we want in 
legislation, as in other trusts, are honest fiduciaries; 
men who will perform their duties according to our 
wishes, and not in pursua,nce of their own selfish ob- 
jects; men who do not require to be watched at every 
step and whose fidelity does not depend alone upon 
our ulterior privilege of suppressing them when they 
have done wrong. Any man in Congress Avho know- 
ingly betrays the will of his constituents should be 



62 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP, 

branded as utterly unwortliy of confidence and sup- 
port. He has done his share toward the conversion of 
our fair fabric of free government into a machine of 
office-holding despotism, and the only recourse that is 
left us, to mark his treachery, is to discharge him from 
every participation in its councils. With regard to 
our future, the beautiful region of the West, compared 
with which the largest principalities of Europe are but 
pinfolds, nay, compared with which the most powerful 
existing empires are of trivial extent, may well cause 
the heart of the American, and of the foreigner even, 
who rides over it to dilate as he beholds in its rich 
fields the future homes of an advancing and splen- 
did civilization. We can hear, where but a few j^ears 
ago was the rustle of the grasses, the hum of a i)ros- 
perous industry. We have seen magnificent cities ris- 
ing on the borders of the streams, and pleasant villages 
dotting the hills ; a flourishing commerce whitens the 
rix3ples of the lakes ; the laugh of happy children comes 
up to us from the corn-fields ; and as the glow of the 
evening sun tinges the distant plains, a radiant and 
kindling vision floats upon its beams, of myriads of 
men escaped from the tyrannies of the Old World, and 
gathered there in worshiping circles to pour out their 
grateful hearts to God for a redeemed and teeming 
earth. 

This great West, if appropriated to the people, will 
prevent the concentration of wealth and stimulate the 
pride and industrial energies of our American citizens. 
We shall have no patricians to usur]3 the pubhc domain, 
nor a people to grow poorer and corrupter, till at last 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 63 

they are fed like paupers from the public granaries ; 
no despots like Sylla and Marius of Rome, to convulse 
society by civil wars, and no tyrant Csesar to arise and 
reap the harvest of previous distractions, and as the 
only salvation from profounder miseries to erect on the 
ruins of the Republic an irresponsible monarchy. It is 
one of the dangers as well as glories of this nation that 
its plans are executed with the rapidity of magnetism. 
A thought is scarcely a thought before it becomes a 
deed. We scorn delays. We strike, and parley after- 
ward. We actualize the dreams of the old philosophers 
and. impart to our abstract ideas an instant creative 
energy. Let us therefore now, as Americans, as free- 
men, as Christians, lay aside all party divisions and 
animosities in order to rescue our Republic from a hate- 
ful domination of machine politics. Let independent 
Democrats and independent Republicans meet for work 
on an independent, new platform, to work for the high- 
est good of a Union formed for the establishment of 
liberty and justice — of a Union born of the agonies 
and cemented by the blood of our fathers — of a Union 
whose mission it was to set an example of repubhcan 
freedom and commend it to the panting nations of the 
world. We are not yet arrived at such shameless de- 
basement that we, freemen of the Republic, shall be 
suffocated by politicians into a silent acquiescence 
in corruption and machine politics, whether emanat- 
ing from one party or the other. We propose, as the 
young men of this nation, to dare to utter the words 
and breathe the aspirations of our fathers, and we pro- 
pose to propagate their principles ; and the time is ripe 



64 A ihajs^ual of citizenship. 

for a movement of the best progressive blood of the 
Republic, which shall reach from Maine to California^ 
and who need dread neither ostracism nor political 
death — a movement which shall know no North and no 
South, bnt simply our country. Under the benign influ- 
ences of snch a movement the great interests of finance 
and commerce will awake and spring forth with new- 
ness of hfe, and national happiness, prosperity, and re- 
nown strengthen and grow. " By our homage for our 
Pilgrim fathers, by our sympathy in their sufferings, 
our gratitude for their labors, our admiration of their 
vii'tues, and our attachment to those principles of civil 
and religious liberty which they encountered the dan- 
gers of the ocean, the storms of heaven, the violence of 
savages, disease, exile, and famine, to enjoy and estab- 
hsh," let us rise up, crush machine politics, and trans- 
mit the great inheritance unimpaired. 

We hope we are alike free from a constitutional 
conservatism and a constitutional tendency to change. 
We neither belong to the class which clings to the old 
in all things nor to that other class which is so in 
love with progress as often to mistake novelty for im- 
provement. We think, however, that a development of 
the present political parties will take place, not abrupt- 
ly, but by gradual modification into something else ; a 
new movement that all progressive men will join. It 
will be a process of evolution. The promotors of such 
a movement will see to it that their legislators and pub- 
lic rulers become such by virtue of their statesmanship 
and power to rule, by their force of nature, their intel- 
lect, and their higher worth j the best cultured and the 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 65 

most refined. Such a movement will conform itself to 
equity and reason. Nothing will be saved by its prestige. 
The required change is urgent, but the vehemence of its 
promoters must not be intemperate. The promoters of 
such a movement will nominate men for offi.ce with whom 
no question shall be so subtile as to elude their grasp, or 
so complex as to defy their penetration. The spirit of 
bigotry has no place in our mind. We are tolerant of 
the opinions of others, and claim to be generous in our 
judgments toward them, but it is an immutable law of 
Providence that decay follows growth, and at present 
we have no cause to be proud of the degradation and 
corruption of American politics. There are men as 
bright in intellect, as pure in patriotism, if not as 
powerful in influence, as those whose grave has closed 
upon their labors, leaving their memory and their 
career at once an incentive and an example, who will 
gladly join a progressive movement ; and such a move- 
ment will yet put forth men who will stand promi- 
nently forward upon the canvas of history, impress- 
ing their characteristics upon this century. Such a 
movement, among other things, will address itself to 
the duty of calling a certain class of the people back 
from revolutionary theories to the formation of habits 
of peace, order, and submission to authority, and of 
absolute reliance on constitutional remedies for the 
correction of all errors and the redress of all injustice. 
Such a movement will be at the same time eminently 
conservative of peace and of the great principles of con- 
stitutional liberty on which the republican institutions 
of our country are founded. The promoters of such a 



66 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

movement will see to it that men of clear intellect, in- 
tuitive sagacity, and fatelike will shall represent them ; 
and what wrong is there which such a movement of 
the American people cannot successfully crush, and 
what riglit is there which cannot be accomplished? 
Such a movement, which will be a declaration of the 
supremacy of the American people, v/ill make this Re- 
public great, prosperous, and happy, and will labor to 
keep the Constitution and the Union in vigorous ex- 
istence, under whose genial influences all that glory 
and happiness and prosperity that we know has been 
achieved. Such a movement will have a freedom of 
thought, a dignity, and an intellectual health which fail 
to obtain when machine politics are in the ascendancy. 

Mimicii^al Reforms for Cities. 

All cities in the various States of similar grades should 
have cliarters that are aliJve ; they should have the same 
methods of l)oolikeeping ; they should pursue the same 
course in the assessment and valuation of property for the 
purpose of taxation ; and they should pursue the same pol- 
icy with reference to the ownership of p>lants for furnish- 
ing their people with light, tvith tvater, with jKivement, and 
ivith seivers. The charters of these cities will direct as 
to how the city accounts are to be kept. There should 
be a State Commissioner of Finance in every State, and 
every city should be under obligation to report yearly 
its financial condition to the central State authority. 
It would then be easy, at the capital of any State, to as- 
certain the exact receipts and expenditures of any city 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 67 

in the Union. The methods of cities need to be unified 
and simplified as to their administration and their ac- 
counts. This is one of the administrative and economic 
problems that confront the promoters of a new move- 
ment. Many municipal governments are very expen- 
sive, very inefficient, and very scandalous. This cannot 
be otherwise while they are controlled by organizations 
formed merely for the distribution of spoil. Such a 
condition of things can. only be remedied by good citi- 
zens uniting in vigorous and persevering efforts to put 
down the organized spoilsmen and divorce city govern- 
ment from party politics. The qualities which the head 
of every municipal government should possess are : a 
thorough knowledge of municipal affairs and of the 
men who have been or who seek to be active in them, 
that knowledge acquired not only by study, but by a 
long and large practical experience ; a head full of the 
strongest common sense : a calm and clear judgment ; 
a courage to down rascals ; a sturdy uprightness of 
character and an absolute integrity of pur230se 5 a no 
man's man, a man who will feel and conduct himself 
as the servant, not of a ]3arty or of a clique, but of the 
whole people of the city and their true interests 5 and a 
man whose word is as good as his bond. 

The Need of a First-rate Coast Defense and a First-rate 
Navy for the Republic. 

We need to protect the seaboards of the Republic by 
a first-rate system of coast defense, and we also need 
a first-rate navy. Our great Pacific seaboard and the 



68 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Atlantic coast are alike helpless. The maintenance of 
peace will be better assured by a due preparation for 
war than by any other means. Mr. Ericsson's system 
of coast-defense vessels is very efficient and should 
be adopted. This Republic should be made a great 
sea power, but this cannot be accomplished without a 
strong navy, and no country can maintain a strong 
naw without an extensive merchant marine. With a 
strong navy there will be the absolute necessity of coal 
and supply depots in many parts of the world. With- 
out these, extended operations must fail. No great sea 
power can now exist without abundant, well-placed, 
and easily defended depots. Among the questions 
which are of first importance in naval war are, as Cap- 
tain A. T. Mahan, of the U. S. Navy, says, '' the proper 
formation of the navy in the war, its true objective, the 
point or points upon which it should be concentrated, 
the establishment of depots for coal and supplies, the 
maintenance of communication between these depots 
and the home base, the military value of commerce- 
destroying as a decisive or secondary operation of war, 
and the system upon which commerce-destroying can be 
most efficiently conducted, whether by scattered cruisers 
or by holding in force some ^dtal center through which 
commercial shipping must pass." We should revive our 
jiSiYj and infuse new life into it, and become a great sea 
power. 

The Nicaragua Canal to de Constructed and Controlled. 

The United States must construct and control the 
Nicaragua shiiD-canal. From a naval and military 



OUR REPUBLIC^— HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 69 

point of view, the direct advantage of holding snch a 
great base of operations on Lake Nicaragua is without 
parallel in history, and yet this country hesitates about 
its construction. Nature has made here a disposition 
of land and water more favorable than at any other 
point for a water transit between, the oceans. The size 
and depth of Lake Nicaragua are such that the largest 
fleet can drill there, and the fresh water would prevent 
the raj)id destruction of the hulls of iron ships which 
takes place in salt water. Dockyards should be built 
on the shores of the lake, which in times of peace would 
be no running expense to the Government, as they 
would pay a handsome annual profit by taking care of 
the merchant marine. We should construct and con- 
trol this interoceanic canal at once, and we should keep 
a swift and well-conditioned fleet of naval vessels there, 
ready to act on either coast. The naval strategic de- 
fense of the United States requires a strong fleet at 
Hampton Roads, another in Cahfornia, ready to move 
effectively at a moment's notice, and a similar fleet in 
Lake Nicaragua. Then Key West must be held, and 
the mouths of the Mississippi protected. A strong fleet, 
auxiliary to the Hampton Roads fleet, must hold the 
sounds and channels of Long Island and Nantucket. 
Puget Sound must be held, and the Gulf of California 
dominated. The permanent safety of this Republic is 
not assured until the naval strategic defenses of the 
Republic are complete. We should also occupy Pearl 
River harbor in the Hawaiian Islands j)ermanently. 
It is of the utmost importance to us as the naval and 
strategic key of the Pacific Ocean. 
5^^ 



70 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

It is amazing that the political and commercial power 
of the Nicaragua Canal offered to this country should 
be so long viewed with indifference by this Republic. 
If any other nation ever gets it, the people of the United 
States will awake to the fact that, having long rejected 
it, they have then to fight for it to regain this most valu- 
able key to national wealth, fame, and power, which we 
cannot afford to have any other nation hold. 

Labor Beform. 

One of the most important reforms that our country 
requires is Labor Reform, and I submit several distinct 
propositions which can readily be used for legislation. 

1. Legislation against child labor. The State must 
educate all its children so as to insure their growing 
up with vigor of mind and body, which they cannot 
do if put to work in mills, etc., at an early age. This 
is a matter of national importance, as the source of our 
permanent national prosperity is to be found only in 
all of our American children growing up with strong 
physical, moral, and intellectual health, and this is im- 
possible if they are removed from home to the danger- 
ous moral atmosphere of shops, factories, and mills. 
The State must protect its children from this physical 
and moral evil. 

Socialism. 

We have in our Republic to-day the best organization 
of society ever known in the history of mankind. Labor 
agitators should understand this perfectly. If the work- 
ing-men of the nineteenth century, instead of sacrific- 



OUR EEPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 71 

ing enormous sums in strikes, would organize one trade 
after another into cooperative associations, they would 
solve what they style the social questions v^th compara- 
tively little trouble. 

2. Legislation to restrict properly the labor of women 
in industrial estatlisliments. We must preserve, at all 
hazards, our American homes, that the mother may 
not leave the children to grow up demoralized without 
a mother's care. 

3. Legislation looMng toward the improvement of the 
sanitary condition of the dwellings of the urhan laboring- 
classes. Houses unfit for habitation should be torn 
down, and small parks provided to give breathing- 
places for the crowded sections. 

4. Legislation against Sunday worh. All factories, 
work-shops, and stores should be closed every Sunday, 
and no employees compelled to work for seven days in 
the week. The working-classes have suffered this slav- 
ery long enough. No railroads should be allowed to run 
coal-trains on Sunday. There is no true American so 
apathetic, so avaricious, or so selfish as to be willing to 
blight the prospects of his fellow-man by condemning 
him any longer to this servitude. 

5. Legislation against night-work for women and chil- 
dren in manufacturing establishments. 

6. Legislation in favor of the length of the labor day 
being kept within the bounds prescribed by physiology and 
hygiene, that the head of the working-man's family may 
be enabled to perform his duties as the father of a fam- 
ily and as a citizen. 

7. Legislation that by the governmental dissemination 



72 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

of appropriate lectures and literature among the worJcing- 
classes ignorance shall he so replaced hy enlightenment as 
to diminish the excessive mortality of worMng-people, and 
especially of children. 

8. Bestriction of excessive immigration of foreigners^ 
especially of the lower classes, who injure American 
working-men ; and laws to keep out contract labor and 
all the most degraded foreign element. No law of Con- 
gress should be framed against nationalities as such. 

9. Legislation tending to restrict corporations arid trusts 
formed for tlie purpose of antagonizing labor, and vice versa. 
If there are vast combinations of capital, there will be 
vast combinations of labor ; and if there is a collision 
between these two interests, the State suffers and its 
public welfare. 

" A happy bit liame this auld world would be 
If men, when they're here, could make shift to agree. 
An' ilk said to his neighbor, in cottage an' ha', 
^ Come, gie me your hand : we are brethren a'.' " 

10. Legislation in favor of the better p>if'otection of life 
and limh of the worMng-classes. The employers' hability 
acts need to be more and better, and there should be 
no tendency of our courts to decide against working- 
men in suits for damages. 

There should be stringent factory laws, including 
protection against dangerous machinery, sufficient fire- 
escapes, and satisfactory sanitary arrangements. There 
should be a higher development of laws protecting the 
person, shielding it and guarding it in all its capacities. 

11. Legislation to improve our educational facilities, by 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 73 

manual-training and industrial schools. Girls should 
be taught by the State sewing, cooking, and the care 
of the house. We should so legislate that there shall 
be no such thing as an illiterate or uneducated class of 
Americans ; that there shall be no neglected and uncared- 
for children. Education in some form should be car- 
ried on by the State to the age of sixteen or seventeen. 
This will give to our American children an immense 
advantage in the competition of life, and train to habits 
of industry and mental application. We can thus ex- 
tinguish the pauper and semi-pauper class, so that there 
will be none to disgrace America. There is such a thing 
as to so exaggerate the doctrines of freedom as to glory 
seemingly in our abuses. JEdiication must he compulsory. 
The church and the school-house are the crowning glory 
of this Republic. 

12. A better administration of the law, fair but just. 
The safety of large cities in times of riot or violence 
depends upon our police and the National Guard. The 
best men only should be appointed to the police force. 

13. Legislation tending toward a recognition of all 
that is good and repression of all that is bad in labor 
organizations. 

14. Legislation tending toward public-property defense, 
to guard the public domain and public parks, and to se- 
cure for the public the full value of public rights. The 
property of the public must be paid for and protected 
like the property of individuals. 

15. Legislation to encourage thrift, to prosper the 
masses by more savings-banks of undoubted security. 
Banks must be rendered secure by bonds to the na- 



74 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

tion, and, where practicable, State and mnnicipal banks 
started. The debts of all large cities in the United 
States should be held in small sums by the masses to 
insure better pohtical effects. Every citizen should 
have a direct interest in municipal affairs and in the 
purity of local as well as of national politics. If the 
national Government ever have to borrow money, have 
national postal savings-banks everywhere. 

16. Legislation tending so to regulate monopolies 
and corporations that the people may be assured of 
lawful methods, corporate honesty, no interference by 
them of legislative enactments, no popular rights de- 
fied, and no public property stolen. Legislation that 
shall secure individual responsibility of manager, with 
civil and criminal remedies ; and measures adopted that 
will make it possible to place responsibility for corpo- 
rate acts upon some one individual. 

17. Legislation tending toward the pubhc manage- 
ment of natural monopolies, like gas-works, water- 
works, electric-lighting works, telegraph companies, and 
railroads. Every town in the United States is better off if 
it owns the water and gas w^orks. Public bodies should 
help themselves, not depend on others. These are pub- 
lic functions. Corporations do not bear their due share 
of public burdens. We want municipal, State, and 
national self-help. The beginning should be made in 
local governments, and from these extend to State and 
nation. 

18. Legislation tending to provide public playgrounds 
for the children in every city, to keep them out of mis- 
chief, which degenerates into bad habits, intemperance, 



OUR REPUBLIC — ^HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 75 

and crime ; and also to provide for more public libraries, 
museums and art galleries, and free concerts, so that 
the people may have full opportunity to enjoy all the 
advantages of literature, music, and art, and the ele- 
vating and refining influences of these agencies. 

19. Legislation, such as necessary, tending to a re- 
form of taxation. 

20. Legislation tending toward a further develop- 
ment of labor bureaus managed by trained experts. 

21. Legislation tending toward a prudent encou- 
ragement of cooperation. It will promote thrift and 
temperance when laborers, like the Minneapolis coopers, 
themselves become capitalists and self-employers by 
placing in a common fund their savings and manag- 
ing their own business. 

22. Respecting the purification of the hdllot-hox the 
great demand, we think, is for an educational qualifica- 
tion for voters and a ten to twenty-one years' residence, 
at least, in the United States. No man should vote who 
cannot read and write, or tvho cannot read and understand 
the Constitution of the United States. 

23. A National Health Department. — Governments, 
in a certain way, have always done something to aid 
men in their endeavors to stay the pestilence and save 
the afflicted, but never adequately. They have gener- 
ally refused to make the medical profession a perma- 
nent integral part in the administration of the State ; 
that is, in the making and the execution of sanitary laws. 

What laws are necessary for the full employment of 
this beneficent profession ? We reply, those that relate 
to the social state of the people for the prevention of 



76 A jmanual of citizenship. 

disease. They compreliend an amplitude and purity 
of water-supply ; proper dwellings for the lower classes^ 
without overcrowding or deficiency of light and air- 
unadulterated food ; complete drainage and disinfection 
of excrement; the preservation of rivers and smaller 
streams of water from pollution ; the regulation of the 
hours of labor ; the protection of childhood from the im- 
position of toil, and their proper education • cleanhness 
of streets, and planting of shade-trees for protection 
from intense solar heat, and for the decomposing power, 
by their leaves, of deleterious gases and miasmata ; the 
establishment of public baths ; the operations of quar- 
antine to prevent invasion of pestilence and landing of 
immigrants with diseases dangerous to others ; the iso- 
lation of persons attacked with infectious disease, and 
the disinfection of localities ; the construction and man- 
agement of general and special hospitals 5 the care of 
the sick poor in their homes -, the prevention of consan- 
guineous marriages and marriages of those who have 
destructive types of constitution ; the warning of soci- 
ety of the evil consequences of abuses of the brain, the 
material basis of consciousness, whereby a free will is 
impaired and the sufferers become irresponsible and 
are often mentally ruined ; and lastly, the regulation of 
that giant evil of civilization, intemperance. 

We affirm that all the measures for public relief on 
these important subjects should be under the guidance 
of medical men. 

It is not the mere knowledge of the human frame as 
a diseased thing, or a mechanism, that should give us 
highest consideration in the State, but rather our capac- 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 77 

ity to prevent sickness by securing the proper adminis- 
tration of the laws of health. At present we occupy 
positions but little better than mere advisers to authori- 
tative bodies ; our soundest suggestions are at the mercy 
of the ignorance and prejudice of uninformed legisla- 
tion. The medical profession holds itself ready not 
only to diminish the fearful destruction of life now 
going on, but ultimately to destroy the contagia that 
cause it. 

Silver. 

Gold and silver are the money of the Constitution, 
the money in existence when the Constitution was 
formed, and Congress has the right to regulate their 
relations. It is to be hoped that they will always favor 
the coinage of such a silver dollar as will not only do 
justice among our citizens at home, but prove an abso- 
lute barrier against the gold monometallists. Four 
hundred and twelve and a half grains of silver will not 
make such a dollar. We should maintain silver coin 
at full legal tender, but upon the basis of equality with 
the gold dollar. We should employ both metals, main- 
taining such fair equalization as will not disturb the 
value of real property or of annual products, and which 
will secure a steadiness in the wages of labor and a 
sound currency in which to recompense it. The dollar 
of commerce cannot with safety be exclusively based 
either upon the scarcer or the more plentiful metal. 

"Respecting silver, we must have international agree- 
ment, and we can only get it by ceasing to buy silver. 
As long as we buy silver, Europe will expect to see us 



78 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Oil a silver basis, which would relieve the silver trou- 
bles of Great Britain, Holland, Germany, and France 
for a long time, and would render it needless for them 
to take any action on the subject. But if we stop buy- 
ing silver the gold price of silver will so fall as to ren- 
der the new British experiment in India a total fail- 
ure. Another result would be a further appreciation 
of gold (fall in prices) in England itself, so terrible 
that the most obdurate monometallist would at last 
begin to see the ruin which the execution of his theory 
must entail. In consequence. Great Britain would be 
forced to make common cause with us in this most im- 
portant interest. The other nations of Europe would 
join and the problem be solved." 

Tariff Revision. 

Respecting tariff revision, we need such a degree of 
protection as will best serve the interest of the Ameri- 
can people as a whole. The North needs a reasonable^ 
broad protection for manufactures, and reciprocity; 
the South needs protection for rice, sugar, oil, and 
wool ; and the experience of the other nations of the 
world teaches us that very careful thought and wisdom 
must be used. 

Responsihility of Wealth. 

We must make great material prosperity conduce to 
individual advancement by teaching the American peo- 
ple to recognize God's ownership in all our substance. 
Wealth, instead of being centralized, will be distributed 
when Christian stewardship is accepted. The number of 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 79 

missionaries in our cities must be increased twenty-fold, 
and mission-chapels built among the densest popiilation 
of all the cities. It is for all true Americans to see to 
it that the dangerous and destructive elements do not 
make greater progress than the conservative. To-day 
the reverse is true, and the future of our American 
Eepublic depends upon the way in which American 
Christian men. meet the crisis. America Christianized 
means the world Christianized, and any new movement 
must, to be successful, become God's right arm in his 
battle with the world's ignorance and sin. We must 
work to Christianize every citizen of our Republic, 
which means all the races. Such a movement has 
glorious possibilities before it. Shall we realize them ? 
We must see to it that there is placed in the hand of 
every Christian agency in the great West every power 
that money can wield. The whole civilization of the 
West must have Christian education. Men of wealth 
should take pleasure in liberally endowing the young 
Western colleges, which are characterized by a strong 
religious influence. There are boundless possibilities for 
usefulness in wealth, and Christian men will make them 
realities. Any new movement will be an American mo ve- 
ment for the world's sake. It must use the gospel to 
transform the lawless men and women of our great cities 
into good citizens, for nothing else can do it. The watch- 
word of any new movement must be. Religion^ Learn- 
ing^ Liberty, and Latv. Ln lioc slgno vinces. Christian- 
ize the immigrant and he will be easily American- 
ized. Christianity is the solvent of all race antipathies. 
Christianity will antagonize modern socialism far more 



80 A 3HANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

rapidly than political economists, and reconcile social 
classes. The remedy is Christianity as taught in the 
New Testament. We say to every American citizen, 
If you are a true patriot and love your country, work 
together to evangelize the poorer classes in all the large 
cities. We say to great manufacturers, Be just, and 
admit the working-man to a just share in the profits 
of his labor. This will result in the twofold improve- 
ment of material prosperity by the great improvement 
of your people in your factories, and in seeing your divi- 
dends increase and the wages of your operatives in- 
crease with your dividends. Popular discontents would 
then decrease wonderfully. True Americans will legis- 
late patriotically and wisely, and we have no use for 
professional politicians and every use for Christian 
statesmen. Every true American citizen wishes for 
national prosperity. Every one who believes in the 
Christian religion knows that by rendering man tem- 
perate, industrious, and moral, it makes him prosper- 
ous. If each of these professed Christians who would 
like to see Christian statesmen in office would give ten 
cents a week it would amount in a year to at least 
$52,000,000 for a fund to do good with. If we are to 
have an American movement let every American man, 
woman, and child take an interest in it, as its object 
is to benefit us and our country. We have the power 
to mold the destinies of unborn milhons if we will but 
exercise it. Let us not devitalize ourselves as Ameri- 
cans by alcohol, but eagerly grasp the grand possibilities 
of spreading Christ's kingdom on earth in this epoch 
of civilization in which traditionary creeds are losing 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 81 

their hold. As men of science we have good reason to 
believe that the laws of the spiritual world are simply 
the laws of the natural world, and that to-day it is 
possible to enunciate spiritual law in the exact terms 
of biology and physics. We have to-day an entire re- 
casting of truth, and all that is needful in order to 
offer to mankind a scientific theology is the introduc- 
tion of law among the phenomena of the spiritual 
world. Law introduced among the scattered phenom- 
ena of nature has transformed knowledge into eternal 
truth and has made science ; and to thinking men the 
reign of law will transform the whole spiritual world 
as it has already transformed the natural world. We 
have to study truth in nature as it came from God. 
Bagehot has given us the extension of natural law to 
the political world ; Spencer has given us the applica- 
tion of natural law to the social world ; and last and 
greatest of all, Henry Drummond has given us the ex- 
tension and application of natural law to the spiritual 
world, and his work has, I trust, been read by every 
man and every woman. At the top of natural law we 
touch God, and there we find the same fixed laws that 
so impress us in nature. It should be the crowning 
glory of our Republic to seek to civilize and evangelize 
all races who come to America, so far as we are able. 
The foreign pohcy of any new movement will not be one 
of arms, but of vitality, civilization, and evangelization. 
We welcome in our country men of every race and clime, 
and, once here, they are free to become whatever they 
can make of themselves. The race question can be 
solved in a measure by first educating and Christianiz- 
6 



82 A ]MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

ing the colored man, and then sending him to darkest 
Africa, which such explorers and heroes as Stanley have 
opened np, for the pm^pose of civihzing and Christian- 
izing his African brethi'en. An American movement, 
if represented by Christian statesmen, and adhering to 
the central pivot of religion, learning, liberty, and law, 
can radiate out in every direction, and what wrong is 
there that it cannot right, and what evil that it can- 
not suppress ? America is jet to rule the world, and 
an American movement should naturally be the move- 
ment at the national helm. We have nearly seventy 
millions of people here, and we have room for a thou- 
sand millions. We are to have the great preponder- 
ance of numbers and of wealth. Aiis, sciences, and 
empire are fast traveling in our direction. Do our 
wealthy men realize their Christian stewardship ? Will 
they use their vast wealth for the good of the Repub- 
lic 1 We are going to have not only the greatest num- 
bers, but also the highest civihzation, if wealth is 
rightly used, that the world has ever seen. The great 
principle of a new movement must be to lift up all who 
come to our shores into the light of the highest Chris- 
tian civilization, so that as American citizens their 
watchword will be identical with ours. 

Let the great idea be the love of liberty and the love 
of God, and nothing can withstand our power. Our 
Pilgrim fathers came here with that idea, and may it 
always be perpetuated. It is impossible to overesti- 
mate the influence upon the entire world of any nation 
which becomes distinguished for its marked religious 
character and its educational advantages. The whole 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 83 

civilized world will acknowledge its empire, and sncli a 
career has this young Republic of America. May the 
time come when the entire population of our beloved 
country may be found in church every Sunday, and 
we will see to it that nothing is allowed to extinguish 
the moral illumination of this day, and break this 
glorious mainspring of the moral government of God. 
Growing intelligence will never compensate for decay- 
ing morals, and intelligence must keep pace with the 
growth of population ; and with an educational quali- 
fication for voters and compulsory education for chil- 
dren, such a thing as illiterate voters or an illiterate 
school population will be unknown. We must look 
well that moral and religious influences are peculiarly 
strong where our social explosives are gathered, i.e., in 
the large American cities. This is the way to antago- 
nize the dangerous elements of our civilization. This 
is the great conservative principle by which society can 
be kept together. 

Finally, I desire to speak briefly of three of the most 
important problems with which society in out' Republic 
has to do to-day, viz., The Family, The Churchy and The 
State, and their relations to the great social fabric. Let 
us first look at The Family. We have under this head 
the questions of sex, education, and marriage. Leav- 
ing the questions of sex and marriage to be dealt with 
at some future time, we come to the subject of educa- 
tion. We wish our children to be well educated in lit- 
erature, art, and music, and above all in religion. How 
shall we accomplish it? "It is noticeable," says Cole- 
ridge, " how limited an acquaintance with the master- 



84 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

pieces of art will suffice to form a correct and even a 
sensitive taste, where none but masterpieces liave been 
seen and admii^ed 5 while, on the other hand, the most 
correct notions and the widest acquaintance mth the 
works of excellence of aU ages will not perfectly secure 
us against the contagious familiarity with the far more 
numerous offspring of tastelessness or of a perverted 
taste." This holds true equally in literature, music, 
and in morals. Bring the children up on masterpieces, 
if you would have them acquii^e the strong bone and 
blood and muscle of a correct taste and a lofty moral 
character. Do not vitiate then* taste or their morals 
by bringing them into contact with vile art, vile lite- 
rature, or poor music, when it is just as easy to sur- 
round them with all that is highest and purest and 
most elevating. If every patriotic parent and teacher 
would, as Hamerton has said, so store Ms mind and 
the minds of his children and pupils with knowledge 
and make their judgments sure, in order that the 
national mind, of which their mind is a minute frac- 
tion, may be enlightened to that extent, be it ever so 
little, think what the result would be. Hamerton truly 
says that the intellectual life of a nation is the sum of 
the lives of a,U intellectual people belonging to it, and 
in this sense youi- culture is a gain to your country 
whether she counts you among her eminent sons or 
leaves you forever obscure. "Act well your part: 
there all the honor lies." John Foster, one of the most 
profound thinkers, says : " Lay hold on the m^Tiads 
of juvenile s]3irits before they have time to grow up, 
thi'ough ignorance, into a reckless hostihty to social 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 85 

order ; train them to sense and good morals ; inculcate 
tlie principles of religion^ simply and solemnly^ as re- 
ligion, as a thing of divine dictation, and not as if its 
authority were chiefly in virtue of human institutions ; 
let the higher orders, generally, make it evident to the 
multitude that they are desirous to raise them in value 
and promote their happiness- and then, whatever the 
demands of the people as a body, thus improving in 
understanding and sense of justice, shall come to be, 
and whatever modification their preponderance may 
ultimately enforce on the great social arrangements, it 
will be infallibly certain that there never can be a love 
of disorder and insolent anarchy, a prevailing spirit of 
revenge and desolation. Such a conduct of the ascen- 
dant ranks would, in this nation at least, secure that, 
as long as the world lasts, there never would be any 
formidable commotion or sudden violent changes. All 
those modifications of the national economy to which 
an improving people would aspire and would deserve 
to attain would be gradually accomplished, in a man- 
ner by which no party will be wronged and all will be 
happier." One reason of the greatness of our country 
is that, ever since the landing of the Pilgrims at Ply- 
mouth, religious principles have been impressed on the 
opening minds of the American youth, and it has been 
under the ascendancy of this divine wisdom that our 
children's discipline in any other knowledge has been 
conducted, and nothing in the mode of education has 
had a tendency contrary to it and everything has been 
taught in a manner recognizing the relation with it, as 
far as has been consistent with a natural, unforced way 



86 A IHANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

of keeping the relation in view. With the American 
youth the sense of propriety is conscience ; the consider- 
ation of how they ought to be regulated in conduct 
as a part of the community is the recollection that a 
Divine Intelligence dictates the laws of that conduct and 
will judicially hold them amenable for every part of it. 

We come now to The Church. To make a strong 
repubhCj the church must become the most powerful 
factor in the social and political life of the land, for, as 
Foster says, " is not a disciphne thus addressed to the 
purpose of fixing rehgious principles in ascendancy, 
as far as that difficult object is within the power of dis- 
cipline, and of infusing a wholesome tincture of them 
into whatever else is taught, the right way to bring up 
citizens faithful to aU that deserves fidelity in the social 
compact ? " 

There is coming, and it is not far off — we see it in 
the Repubhc of France, in the newly formed Republics 
of Brazil and Hawaii, we hear it dimly muttering from 
the mines of Siberia — a great change in the social sys- 
tems of the Old World. Webster said : ^^ What is that 
conservative principle by which society can be kept 
together, then, when empires and kingdoms shall have 
no more influence? The only conservative principle 
must be, and is, religion, the authority of God, and the 
influence of the teaching of the church." Coleridge 
said : " Yet those who confine the efficiency of an estab- 
lished church to its public offices can hardly be placed 
in a much higher rank of intellect than ^ minds of the 
most vulgar cast ' who undervalue the Christian main- 
stay. That to every parish throughout the kingdom 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 87 

there is transplanted a germ of civilization j that in the 
remotest villages there is a nncleus ronnd which the 
capabilities of the place may crystallize and brighten^ 
a model sufficiently superior to excite, yet sufficiently 
new to encourage and facilitate, imitation — this is the 
unobtrusive continuous agenc}^ of a Protestant church 
establishment, this it is which the patriot and the phi- 
lanthropist, who would fain unite the love of peace 
with faith in the progressive melioration of mankind, 
cannot estimate at too high a price." One of the 
greatest works of the church is to teach the children 
to keep themselves pure and unspotted from the world, 
and to do this by inculcating the love of their Father 
for them, and by exciting their love and reverence for 
the church as his temple in which to do him honor. 
That great statesman, Daniel Webster, has said of the 
Christian ministry of the United States: "And this 
body of clergymen has shown, to the honor of their own 
country and to the astonishment of the hierarchies of 
the Old World, that it is practicable in free govern- 
ments to raise and sustain by voluntar^r contributions 
alone a body of clergymen which, for devotedness to 
their calling, for purity of life and character, for learn- 
ing, intelligence, piety, and that wisdom which cometh 
from above, is inferior to none and superior to most 
others." 

We have finally to consider The State. 

"What constitutes a state? 

Not Mgh-raised battlement or labored mound, 
Thick wall or moated gate ; 

Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crowned ; 



88 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Not bays and broacl-armed ports, 

Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ; 
Not starred and spangled courts, 

"Where low-browed baseness wafts perfume and pride. 

"No : Men, high-minded men, 

With powers as far above dull brutes endowed. 
In forest, brake, or den. 

As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude ; 
Men who their duties know, 

But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain ; 
Prevent the long-aimed blow, 

And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain : 
These constitute a state ; 

And Sovereign Law, that state's collected will, 
O'er thrones and globes elate 

Sits empress, conniving good, repressing ill." 

At the meeting of the first Congress of the United 
States, Daniel Webster said that there was a spirit 
of Christianity which rose above forms, above cere- 
monies, independent of sect or creed and the contro- 
versies of clashing doctrines,- and John Adams in a 
letter to his wife, Mr. Webster said, stated that he 
never saw a more touching spectacle. "Mr. Dnche 
read the Episcopal service of the Church of England, 
and then, as if moved by the occasion, he broke out 
into extemporaneous prayer, and those men who were 
then about to resort to force to obtain their rights 
were moved to tears," etc. Let the State, as well as the 
church, teach the children to keep Sunday as a holy 
day. By arresting the stream of worldly thoughts, in- 
terests, and affections, stopping the din of business. 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 89 

unloading the mind of its cares and responsibilities 
and the body of its bnrdens, while God speaks to men 
and they attend and hear and fear and learn to do 
his willj man gains in physical, moral, and intellectual 
health. Is there one so short-sighted, whether church- 
man or not, who would willingly extinguish the moral 
illumination of Sunday, and break this glorious main- 
spring of the moral government of Grod ? Let no states- 
man ever forget what the family and the State owe to 
the church and to the ministers of Christianity, and 
neither let them forget that the only great conserva- 
tive principle by which society can be kept together is 
religion, and let State and church work together for 
the highest interests of our American Republic. Let 
U.S send as far as possible Christian statesmen to Con- 
gress, to our State Legislatures and Senates, and we 
the people will ourselves solve the most difficult prob- 
lems of modern society. It is the duty of the State to 
inculcate patriotism in the teaching of scholars in the 
public schools and in the homes of the people. Teach 
the children's hearts to respond with every throb to 
these words of Daniel Webster : 

" Hail ! all hail ! I see before and around me a mass 
of faces glowing with cheerfulness and patriotic pride. 
I see thousands of eyes turned toward other eyes all 
sparkling with gratification and delight. This is the 
New "World ! This is America ! This is Washington ! 
and this is the Capitol of the United States ! and where 
else among the nations can the seat of government be 
surrounded, on any day of the year, by those who have 



90 A J^IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

more reasons to rejoice in the blessings which they pos- 
sess ? Nowhere, fellow-citizens ! assuredly, nowhere ! 
Let us then meet this rising sun with joy and thanksgiv- 
ing. . . . The muse inspiring our fathers was the genius 
of Liberty, all on fire with a sense of oppression, and a 
resolution to throw it off; the vfhole world was the 
stage, and higher characters than princes trod it ; and 
instead of monarchs, countries and nations and the age 
beheld the swelling scene. How well the characters 
were cast, and how well each acted his part, and what 
emotions the whole performance excited, let history, 
now and hereafter, tell. . . . Fellow-citizens, this in- 
heritance which we enjoy to-day is not only an inheri- 
tance of liberty, but of our peculiar American liberty. 
Liberty has existed in other times, in other countries, 
and in other forms. There has been a G-recian liberty, 
bold and powerful, full of spirit, eloquence, and fire ; a 
liberty which produced multitudes of great men, and 
has transmitted one immortal name, the name of De- 
mosthenes, to posterity. But still it was a liberty of 
disconnected states, sometimes united, indeed, by tem- 
porary leagues and confederacies, but often involved 
in wars between themselves. The- sword of Sparta 
turned its sharpest edge against Athens, enslaved her, 
and devastated Greece; and in her turn, Sparta was 
compelled to bend before the power of Thebes. And 
let it ever be remembered, especially let the truth sink 
deep into all American minds, that it was the ivant of 
union among her several states which finally gave the 
mastery of all Greece to Philip of Macedon. 

" And there has also been a Roman liberty, a proud. 



OUR REPUBLIC — HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 91 

ambitious, domineering; spirit, possessing free and pop- 
ular principles in Rome itself, but even in tlie best 
days of the republic ready to carry slavery and chains 
into the provinces and through every country over 
which her eagles could be borne. What was the lib- 
erty of Spain, or Gaul, or Germany, or Britain, in the 
days of Rome? Did true constitutional liberty then 
exist 1 As the Roman empire declined, her provinces, 
not instructed in the principles of free popular govern- 
ment, one after another declined also, and when Rome 
herself fell, in the end, all fell together. Our inheri- 
tance is an inheritance of American hberty. That 
liberty is characteristic, pecuhar, and altogether our 
own. Nothing like it existed in former times or was 
known in the most enlightened states of antiquitj^ 

" The State must guard and perpetuate our distinc- 
tive American political principles, which are : 1. The 
establishment of popular governments on the basis of 
representation -, 2. That the will of the majority, fairly 
expressed through the means of representation, shall 
have the force of law ; and 3. That the law is the su- 
preme rule for the government of all. . . . And I now 
proceed to add that the strong and deep-settled con- 
viction of all intelligent persons among us is, that in 
order to support a useful and wise government upon 
these popular principles the general education of the 
people and the diffusion of pure morality and true re- 
ligion are indispensable. Individual virtue is a part 
of public virtue. It is difficult to conceive how there 
can remain morality in the government when it shall 
cease to exist among the people ; or how the aggregate 



92 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

of tlie political institutions, all the organs of which 
consist only of men, should be wise and beneficent and 
competent to inspire confidence if the opposite quali- 
ties belong to the individuals who constitute those 
organs and make up the aggregate." 

The secret of the strength and uniqueness of our Rev 
public lies in the fact of our union and also that, from 
the beginning, the church and the school-house have 
everywhere marked the steps of American civilization. 
The whole duty of the great public men of the State, 
patriots and warriors, orators and statesmen, may be ad- 
mirably outlined in the words of Daniel Webster when 
he said — supposing George Washington back again to 
address the people at the occasion of the laying of the 
corner-stone of the addition to the Capitol on the Fourth 
of Juty, 1851, when Mr. Webster made the address : 
"Would he [Washington] not say to us: 'Ye men of 
this generation, I rejoice and thank Gfod for being able 
to see that our labors and toils and sacrifices were not 
in vain. You are prosperous, you are happy, you are 
grateful ; the fire of liberty burns brightly and steadily 
in your hearts, while duty and the law restrain it from 
bui'sting forth in wild and destructive conflagration. 
Cherish liberty as you love it 5 cherish its securities as 
you wish to preserve it. Maintain the Constitution 
which we labored so painfully to establish, and which 
has been to you such a source of inestimable blessings. 
Preserve the Union of the States, cemented as it was 
by our prayers, our tears, and our blood. Be true to 
God, to joviT country, and to your duty. So shall the 
whole Eastern world foUow the morning sun to con- 



OUR REPUBLIC— HER CITIZENS AND HER NEEDS. 93 

template you as a nation ■ so shall all generations honor 
you as they honor us 5 and so shall that Almighty 
Power which so graciously protected us, and which now 
protects you, shower its everlasting blessings upon you 
and 5^oui' posterity ' ? " 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE DUTY OF CITIZENSHIP TOWARD THE DRINK 
PROBLEM, INTEMPERANCE. 

INTEMPERANCE in di-ink has a very close relation 
to and is one of the main exciting causes of in- 
sanity, crime, and disease. 

Among the moral causes of insanity may be men- 
tioned domestic grief, frights and nervons shock, reh- 
gions excitement, adverse circumstances, loss of relatives 
or friends, mental anxiety and " worry," and overwork 
and love-affairs. Among the physical causes of insan- 
ity may be mentioned intemperance in drink, sexual 
intemperance, over-exertion, sunstroke, accident and 
injuiy, the different periods in life of women and the 
diseases of women, fevers, privation and want, heredi- 
tary and congenital influences, etc. 

Intemperance in di'ink heads the list of physical 
causes of insanity, and domestic trouble and grief the 
moral causes, but out of over 2000 cases of insanity we 
find intemperance in drink the cause in 577 cases, or 
27.4 percent., and domestic trouble and grief in only 
72 cases, or 3.4 percent. There can be no doubt that 
intemperance in drink induces insanity in fully 25 

94 



INTEMPERANCE. , 95 

percent, of all the insane cases in the United States, 
either directly or indirectly. It is also responsible for 
very much of the imbecility and idiocy of the offspring 
of intemperate parents. Fifty percent, of all onr idiots 
and imbeciles are without doubt the offspring of drunk- 
ards. Where strong liquors are increasingly consumed 
we find a proportionate amount of alcoholic insanity. 
Where the consumption of alcohol doubles, there we 
find the cases of insanity from intemperance will rise 
over 50 percent. Increase in the number of suicides 
always follows increased consumption in alcohol, and 
suicide is a product of insanity. A normal man or 
woman seeks from our Heavenly Father "■ the peace 
which passeth all understanding," to fortify him or her 
against the reverses, trials, and disappointments of the 
world j while the unstable, iU-balanced mind, with rea- 
son and judgment perverted and will power lost or 
impaired by the use of alcohol, having nothing to cling 
to or anchor to, rushes unprepared into the presence 
of its Maker. 

Children born of parents when under the influence 
of hquor are sure to be weak somewhere. A child 
born of a mother who drinks during her pregnancy is 
sure to be weak somewhere, mentally, morally, or phys- 
ically, and perhaps in all three respects. A mother 
who goes through her pregnancy a clean, chaste, tem- 
perate woman, feeling a sense of responsibility to God 
for the future hf e of her unborn babe with an immortal 
soul, will present to the world a future citizen whose 
life will prove the tremendous influence of a good pre- 
natal environment. He is likely to have the elements 



96 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

born within him that go to make up a useful citizen 
of the United States. 

On the other hand, if the mother be intemperate and 
dissolute in her habits, I dare assert that it is impossi- 
ble, with such a prenatal environment, for a child to 
become a great or good citizen, of value to the State. 
There will be nothing embodied in his mental struc- 
ture to make him either good, great, or a useful citizen. 
He is much more apt to become a criminal, insane, or 
a di'unkard. A child cannot be nourished for the first 
nine months of its life on alcohol, and then exhibit in 
its after-life a normal intellect, emotion, or will power. 
For a young married woman to diink in even what is 
conventionally termed moderation is to reap a bitter 
harvest of tears over the future life of her child, whom 
she fondly imagined would be her pride and comfort. 

That we reap what we sow is nowhere more strik- 
ingly exemplified than in the natui^e and effects of alco- 
hol upon man and his offspring. If I could have one 
wish granted to me I would ask that the people of our 
United States of America would beheve so fully and so 
heartily in what I and many others have tried to teach 
as to the physiological action of alcohol in men and 
women, that in every State in our Union it would be 
dealt with by legislation as a poison, and classed with 
other poisons such as opium and cliloral. 

It is objected to that this would interfere with per- 
sonal liberty and that this is the land of the free. Is 
a man free who daily injures his body and brain by 
di'inking in obedience to a craving which he is power- 
less to resist 1 Is he free when he injures the struc- 



INTEMPERANCEo 97 

ture of his brain and impairs its functional action by 
periodical drinking to the point of intoxication, dne to 
a craving which he cannot resist, although his reason 
and conscience alike rebel? Does he not realize in 
the interval between his paroxysms that his periodical 
drinking results in altered conduct and loss of abil- 
ity? Does he not promise himself and friends that 
he will reform? Does he not know that the alcohol 
lowers his intelligence and morals ? Does he not feel 
that its use brings down his brain-capacity to a lower 
level ? Does he not believe that it has a special effect 
upon the nerve-centers? Acknowledging all this, as 
he will, is he not assured that it necessarily affects all 
thought and conscious action, as the brain is the or- 
gan of thought? If a brain-worker, does he not feel 
bitterly that he cannot do his best work when under 
its influence ? Is he free when he deplores in an agony 
of remorse the fierce appetite for alcohol which period- 
ically masters him — which his will cannot resist, as the 
daily and perhaps moderate use of stimulants has in- 
sidiously drawn him in the vortex of the disease of 
dipsomania — and then is driven in a week or a month 
to repeat his indulgence in alcohol to the point of in- 
toxication? Is he free when he obscures his higher 
faculties against his reason and judgment and in spite 
of his will power ? Is he free when he buys a ticket to 
attend an intellectual entertainment that he wants to 
see and hear, and then stops on his way and takes one, 
two, three glasses of whisky, and finally finishes the 
bottle and spends his night in a sensual manner, when 
a loving wife and children await his coming at home, 
7 



98 A MAlsUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

and when in his heart he loves them more than all on 
earth "? 

Free ! No, he is not free. He is a slave, more to 
be sjrmpathized with and pitied than the most abused 
slave depicted in '' Uncle Tom's Cabin." He is a slave 
whose mind in its lucid intervals fully appreciates and 
loathes the cursed fetters, but has not strength to break 
them. How is he ever to break them if his friends and 
neighbors complacently mind their own business and 
allow liquor saloons to confront him on every corner, 
putting temptation in his way? 

I appeal to the strong good sense of the American 
people, which, when roused, can sweep the country and 
put through any reform ; I appeal to the guardians of 
public hygiene in the United States of America 5 I ap- 
peal to every mother in the country to diminish the 
number of liquor saloons and to cooperate with the 
medical profession in combating a vicious propensity, 
so insidious in its advances and so disastrous in its re- 
sults. Personal liberty is a clear right, but it is not a 
clearer right than the right of the people to insist that 
poison shall not be sold to be drunk as a beverage, to 
ruin the physical, moral, and intellectual life of so 
many people. When it is remembered how great a 
portion of the people of this country have children 
that they wish to grow up temperate and virtuous, I 
cannot understand how the abolition of the liquor traffic 
is hostile to their rights and privileges. I consider that 
patriotism will never have been shown more conspicu- 
ously, existed more truly, or burned more fervently than 
when, sending up an ardent prayer to God for succor, 



INTEMPERANCE. 99 

the people of the United States of America put forth 
the energy of their whole sonl and spirit in the cause 
of temperance, and class alcohol in all its forms, by 
legislation, with the poisonous drugs, to be obtained 
only upon the prescription of a reputable physician to 
be used in time of sickness. 

The scheme of American liberty was never intended 
by our forefathers to include the Hberty of any man to 
sell citizens, as a beverage, a poison the habitual in- 
dulgence in which will make them insane and their 
offspring imbeciles and idiots. As it was the want of 
union among her several states which finally gave the 
mastery of all Greece to Philip of Macedon, so it is the 
want of the union of opinion on the temperance ques- 
tion, or a terrible lethargy, or both combined, that bids 
fair to give the mastery of all America to the liquor 
traffic. Would that my pen might become a clarion to 
rouse Americans to a stern sense of their responsibility 
in this matter. Would that I had the spirit, eloquence, 
and fire of Demosthenes to proclaim from Maine to 
California the physiological action of alcohol upon man 
and his offspring. Would that I could impress upon 
the mind of every young man in the country that he 
cannot be even a moderate drinker without the tremen- 
dous danger of the alcoholic appetite supervening, and 
that to lead a life of honor, of usefulness, and of suc- 
cess in all the professions and pursuits of life he must 
be a temperate man; that he cannot drink and have 
that intense energy, that broad humanity, and that 
love and obedience to G-od which go to make up the 
most useful citizen of the United States. 



100 A BIANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Who would undermine our Republic ? Every young 
man does so by just so much when he undermines him- 
self by alcohol, for not alone he, but his children, will 
be a burden instead of a bulwark to her. Our system 
of free government depends upon the support of the 
national honor and character among the nations of the 
earth, and the maintenance of the Constitution and the 
Union. It was made for a temperate people and not 
to be dominated over by the liquor traf&c. The power 
is with the people. They can exercise it by their rep- 
resentatives, and may they soon do so in every State. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE GREATNESS AND PROGRESS OF OUR COUNTRY. 

THE Union is the edifice of our real independence, 
the support of our tranquillity at home, our 
peace abroad, our prosperity, our safety, and of the 
very liberty which we so highly prize; and for this 
Union we should cherish a cordial, habitual, immova- 
ble attachment, and should discountenance whatever 
may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event 
be abandoned." Our railway system, which in 1846 
was in its infancy, has ffrown to immense 

Railroads. 

proportions. In 1846 New York did not 
have a continuous road to Buffalo ; Philadelphia was 
not connected with Pittsburg; Baltimore's projected 
line to the Ohio had only reached Cumberland, among 
the eastern foot-hills of the Alleghanies; the entire 
Union had but 5000 miles of railway. In 1860 there 
were 30,626 miles of railway, and in 1890 there were 
167,741 miles of railway in the Union, an increase of 
448 percent. ; and in 1888 the Pennsylvania Railroad 
Company were carrying more tonnage and traffic than 
all the merchant ships of Great Britain. savines^ 
The money in the savings-banks of the banks. 

State of New York ($600,000,000, more than ninety 
percent, of which belongs to the laboring classes), with 

7* 101 



102 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

a population of 6,000,000, is vastly more than all the 
savings in the savings-banks of England, Ireland, and 
Scotland, with a population of 36,000,000 5 and our 
wealth per capita, and in actual possession of the peo- 
ple, far exceeds that of any other nation in the world. 
Respecting the tariff of our country, in levying a tar- 
iff we should so levy it as to protect all products of our 
farms, factories, and mines by equalizing 

The tariff. '. ' "^ . ^ 

conditions. If there are countries that are 
rivals of ours, where the wages of labor are such that 
they can produce more than we can, it is fair to protect 
the American producer by a tariff ; and where the con- 
ditions are such that the tariff is not necessary, and 
where the laborers are not in competition with those of 
this country, we can through reciprocity promote our 
trade and admit products free. The protective theory 
in the whole American tariff system is to build up 
American industry by protecting American labor and 
opening markets at home and abroad. This is a broad, 
liberal, and catholic principle. The principle of pro- 
tecting the manufactures and encouraging the naviga- 
tion of the United States I regard as the very corner- 
stone of our national prosperity. 

In 1865 the debt of the nation was $2,221,311,918.29. 
In 1884 the national debt was $1,338,229,150. The total 
National debt. Wealth of the couutry in 1860 was $16,159,- 
Nationai 616,068. lu 1890 it amounted to $62,610,- 

wealth. ' . ^ ? ? 

Manufactur= 000,000, an lucreasc of 287 percent. In 1880 
ing capital, -j^j^g capital iiivcsted in manufacturing in 
seventy-five leading cities was $1,232,839,670. In 1890 
the capital invested in manufacturing was $2,900,735,- 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 103 

884. In 1880 the number of employees was 1,301,388. 
In 1890 the number of employees was 2,251,134. In 
1880 the wages earned were $501,965,778. Number of 
In 1890 the wages earned were $1,221,170,- employees. 
454. In 1880 the value of the product was Wages earned. 
$2,711,579,899. In 1890 the value of the pj£tu. 
product was $4,860,286,837. The new in- ^^^ ^^„„1 
dustrial plants established since October 6, factures. 
1890, and up to October 22, 1892, numbered 345, and 
the extension of existing plants, 108. The new capital 
invested amounted to $40,449,050, and the number of 
additional employees to 37,285. During the first six 
months of 1892, 135 new factories were built, of which 
40 were cotton-mills, 48 knitting-mills, 26 woolen-mills, 
15 silk-mills, 4 plush-mills, and 2 linen-mills. Of the 
40 cotton-mills, 21 were built in the Southern States. 
The number of working spindles in the United States 
on September 1, 1892, was estimated at 15,200,000, an 
increase of 660,000 over the year 1891. The consump- 
tion of cotton by American mills in 1891 was 2,396,000 
bales, and in 1892, 2,584,000 bales, an increase of 188,- 
000 bales. From the year 1869 to 1892 inclusive there 
has been an increase in the consumption of cotton in 
Europe of 92 percent., while during the same period the 
increased consumption in the United States has been 
about 150 percent. 

On September 30, 189,2, there were 32 companies 
manufacturing tin and terne-plate in the United States, 
and 14 companies building new works for such manu- 
facture. The actual production for the quarter ending 
September 30, 1892, was 10,952,725 pounds, and it was 



104 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

estimated that under the protective principle 200,000,- 
000 pounds per annum could be produced. 

During 1891, in about 6000 manufacturing establish- 
ments in New York State, representing 67 different in- 
dustries, there was a net increase over the year 1890 of 
$31,315,130.68 in the value of the product, and of 
$6,377,925.09 in the amount of wages paid. 

In the State of Massachusetts, 3745 industries paid 
$129,416,248 in wages during the year 1891, against 
$126,030,303 in 1890 ; also an increase of $9,932,490 in 
the amount of capital and of 7346 in the number of 
persons employed in the same period. 

From July to December, 1891, and from January to 
July, 1892, the total production of pig-iron was 9,710,819 
tons, as against 9,202,703 tons in the year 
1890 ; which was the largest annual produc- 
tion ever attained. For the same twelve months of 
1891-92 the production of Bessemer ingots was 3,878,- 
581 tons, an increase of 189,710 gross tons over the pre- 
viousty great yearly production of 3,688,871 gross tons 
in 1890. The production of Bessemer-steel rails for the 
first six months of 1892 was 772,436 gross tons, as 
against 702,080 gross tons during the last six months 
of 1891. 

The value of our exports during the fiscal year 1892 
reached the highest figure in the history of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, amounting to 

xports. $1^030,278,148, exceeding the value of the 
imports by $202,875,686. During the fiscal year 1892 
the value of imports free of duty amounted to $457,- 
999,658. The value of the imports of merchandise 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 105 

entered free of duty in 1892 was 55.35 percent, of the 
total value of imports. 

The freight carried in the coasting-trade of the G-reat 
Lakes in 1890 amounted to 28,295,959 tons. 

. v., . . Freight. 

On the Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio riv- 
ers and tributaries in 1890 the freight carried amounted 
to 29,405,046 tons. 

The number of depositors in savings-banks increased 
from 693,870 in 1860 to 4,258,893 in 1890, an increase 
of 513 percent., and the amount of deposits 

Depositors 

from $149,277,504 in 1860 to $1,524,844,506 and deposits 

' / ^ ^ in banks. 

in 1890, an increase of 921 percent. In 
1891 the amount of deposits in savings-banks was $1,- 
623,079,749. It is estimated that 90 percent, of these 
deposits represent the savings of wage-earners. 

Agriculture has fairly participated in the general 
prosperity. The value of total American 

Agriculture. 

farm products increased from $1,363,646,- 

866 in 1860 to $4,500,000,000 in 1891, an increase of 

230 percent. 

With reciprocity, our trade with the countries of Cen- 
tral and South America now amounts to $600,000,000 
annually, whereas in 1885 we had only 8 per- 

*^ ' . Reciprocity. 

cent, of this trade. Our domestic exports to 
Germany and Austria-Hungary increased 21.63 percent, 
from the date when reciprocity went into effect up to 
September 30, 1892. 

The public debt in December, 1892, had been reduced 
since March 4, 1889, $259,074,200. Our pos- p^^^ai 

tal revenue for the three years ending June revenue. 
30, 1892, amounted to $197,744,359, which was an in- 



106 A 3IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

crease of $52,263,150 over the revenue for tlie three 
years ending June 30, 1889. 

Onr merchant marine has at last received some of 
the public attention due to it, and 16 American steam- 
ships, of an aggregate tonnage of 57,400 
Merchant ^ous, costiug $7,400,000, havc been built or 

marine. " 0^777 

contracted to be built in American ship- 
yards. When the full service required hj existing con- 
tracts is estabhshed there will be 41 mail-steamers under 
the stars and stripes,, with 7 fast steamships for trans- 
atlantic service added to our naval reserve. We have 
a new steamship service to Southampton, Boulogne, and 
Antwerp, and a new steamship service to the Argentine 
Repubhc. There is no reason why America, under 
proper legislation, should not become the great sea 
power of the world. We are getting a new navy of 

which every American may be proud, and 

New navy. i 4. j? i • 

we have new armor-plate tor our snips, we 
have torpedoes, we have armor-piercing shells, we have a 
smokeless powder and a slow-burning powder for large 
guns, we have a high explosive for sheUs fired from 
service guns, and w^e manufacture guncotton. We 
have a new naval mihtia in eight States, which it is to 
be hoped wiU be largely extended. In short, we have 
that due preparation for defense which is the best 
guaranty of peace. The countr}^ has taken proper 
care of the disabled soldiers of the War of the Rebel- 
lion. We have made a successful effort to break do^Ti 
the restrictions to the free introduction of our meat 
products in the countries of Europe. Agricultui-al 
products constituted 78.1 percent, of our great exports 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 107 

for the fiscal year closing June 30, 1892, the total value 
of agricultural products exported exceeding by more 
than $150,000,000 the shipment of agricul- Exports of 
tural products in any previous year. Amer- ^s*"*^" ^"'■®- 
ican agriculture has been immensely bene- 
fited. Our World's Columbian Fair at Chicago worthily 
sustained the honor of the United States. 

If the executive officers of the ship of state will avoid 
the dangerous breakers of free trade and promote leg- 
islation on a restriction of immigration ; on the estab- 
lishment of a national board of health, with a minister 
of health, who should be a cabinet officer 5 on the pre- 
vention of the existing evil of the trade-unions where- 
by American boys are barred from being mechanics ; 
legislation tending to labor reform ; to the restriction 
of trusts ; temperance legislation which would educate 
the public up to the proper knowledge of the physio- 
logical effects of alcohol on the human race, classing 
alcohol as a poison, and its sale to be regulated as is 
the case with other poisons 5 recommendation by Con- 
gress that each State adopt an educational qualification 
for voters ; and lastly, what I conceive to be of the high- 
est national importance, a permanent national mode, es- 
tablished hy law before the election to ivhich it may first 
apply, of adjudicating disputed points in the return of pres- 
idential votes* — we shall have years of national health 
and continued prosperity. After an election a commis- 
sion cannot be convened whose decisions will be accepted 
gracefully by both political parties in the United States. 

* Decisions concerning the claims of rival electors are, by a 
recent act of Congress, left to the State. 



108 A 3IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

We need more true patriotism and true American 
feeling, and less sacrifice of this feeling to mere party 
and to the dictates of machine politicians, who seem to 
stifle the public into acquiescence with their will, so that 
very often there is an inconsistency between a man's 
conviction and his vote. 

Political Economy. 

Under the beneficent operations of the protective 
principle, the American mills have been kept open and 
American workmen's wages kept up, and our farms 
have fed our factories — each an indispensable help to 
the other — and we have had a well-employed and pros- 
perous community that could buy and consume, which 
is the great fundamental factor of the whole science of 
political economy. If labor is not employed it cannot 
consume; and the destructive and highly dangerous 
operation of free trade in any young country is in the 
overwhelming importations from abroad, which pre- 
vent the multiplication of the modes of the employ- 
ment of labor and the best-diversified industry, and 
paralyze the highest industrial civilization, and work- 
men cannot get varied employ. There is little work 
for the hands and little work for the teeth. If any 
country is to be great and prosperous it must encou- 
rage the industry and skill of its people and develop the 
natural resources of its territory, and it must so levy 
customs-duties on foreign imports as to prevent the free 
importation of such articles as can be made or pro- 
duced at home, and also to furnish needed government 
revenue. Such duties encourage and protect home 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 109 

manufactures and home labor and skill by the preven- 
tion of the pouring in of a flood of foreign manufac- 
tures. The protective principle protects the laboring 
classes of the United States, the whole class of mechan- 
ics, by giving them work and protecting their earnings, 
and that is the way to protect the laborer. The protec- 
tion extended under the operation of the protective princi- 
ple to capital is as nothing to that which is given to labor. 
The credulity of the public has been put to its extreme 
capacity of false impression relative to this whole ques- 
tion. 

The duty of this and every other government is to 
preserve, not to destroy ; to maintain the position which 
it has assumed ; and every thinking citizen should feel 
it an indispensable obligation, regardless of party, to 
hold it steady to the protective principle. The brawny 
arms of the poor laborer enrich the State, and labor 
has the right to demand that it shall be protected by 
the operation of the protective principle, which gives 
him work and protects his earnings and prevents him 
from being the victim of the extortions of British 
producers. Wealth consists in whatever is useful or 
convenient to man, and labor is the producing cause of 
all this wealth. Labor means not only human industry 
but also any active agency which, working upon the 
materials with which the world is supplied, brings forth 
products useful or convenient to man. The materials 
of wealth are in the earth, in the seas, and in their 
natural and unaided productions. Labor obtains these 
materials, works upon them, and fashions them to 
human use. The application of science to art has in- 



110 A IMANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

creased this active agency and augmented its power by 
employing steam and falling water to act on machines 
in the factories and workshops, which produce effects 
more accurate than the human hand can produce ; and it 
is equally as sad to see spinning-machines, power-looms, 
and all the mechanical devices not acting, under the 
blasting effects of free trade, as it is to see the laboring 
classes not acting and not eating because they have no 
work and no wages and therefore cannot buy and con- 
sume. The protective principle in government has the 
effect to direct the productive force generated by hu- 
man wants, setting in motion human labor to act upon 
the natural agents of production with a better actual 
result than under the reverse rule. Hold this country 
to a settled pohcy. I hold it to be very unfortunate if 
there is any code or party which obliges men in pubhc 
or private life to adhere to opinions once entertained, 
in spite of experience and better knowledge, and against 
their own convictions of their erroneous character. The 
tendencies of free trade we are bound by true patriotism 
and by the love of the Union to resist : this is our duty 
as citizens of the United States. The first great cause of 
our national prosperity is einployment The fici'st requi- 
site is that which enables men to buy food and clothing. 
This is a country of labor, where all are engaged in 
some sort of employment that requires personal atten- 
tion, either of oversight or manual performance. To 
diversify employment is to increase employment and to 
enhance wages. If there is employment there is bread, 
there is clothing, there is instruction, there is health, 
there is sobriety, there is morals ; and where there is 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COU^NTRY. Ill 

well-paid labor and constant employment, there is' gen- 
eral prosperity, content, and cheerfulness. The labor 
of the whole country has been protected by the benefi- 
cent operation of the protective principle from the 
time of the adoption of the Constitution until to-day. 
We received this inheritance of the protective princi- 
ple from the fathers of our Repubhc, and I trust we 
shall transmit it to posterity. If the raising of the 
great mass of the people of a country to a better con- 
dition, if surrounding them with greater comforts and 
greater abundance of all things — if thus elevating 
their social condition is a bad thing, then indeed is 
the protective principle, or, in other words, a tariff 
discriminating in favor of the people of the country 
where it is framed (for they are identical), very bad, 
and should be discarded in favor of the free-trade 
principle, or a tariff which discriminates against them 
and in favor of foreigners. 

How any true American who has the love of country 
and pride of country in his heart ca-n desire to do his 
country the fearful injury of allowing free competi- 
tion in the products of our industry and taxing foreign 
products which we cannot produce or compete with ; im- 
posing high duties on such articles as we do not and can- 
not produce or manufacture, and low duties, if any, on 
our iron, woolens, cotton, etc., which is the scheme of free- 
trade reformers, I fail to see. It is simply taking the 
tax from the products of British manufacturers imported 
into this country and levying it on the comforts and 
necessaries of the American farmer and working-man. 

Every country who wishes a sure revenue, easily 



112 A I^IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

raised, amid permanent prosperity, should frame tlie 
tariff with fit duties for protection and revenue on such 
articles as they can make or produce, and admit foreign 
products which they cannot produce free of duty ; and 
it is the duty of our Government so to act at each epoch 
in the national progress as to favor the taking posses- 
sion of all the branches of industry whose acquisition 
is authorized in the nature of things. Such establish- 
ment of diversification in the pursuits of our people, 
not by monopoly, but by fair competition, is the aim 
of a protective principle or policy. The protective 
principle does not benefit one class at the cost of an- 
other, but it benefits all by a just recognition of the in- 
dependence of all industries, labor most of all ; which 
is right and just. 

The genius of America has never felt the shadow of 
a personal and irresponsible despotism 5 she has never 
suffered from an imperial government with an im- 
mense standing army; she has never seen her lands 
held by the monk or the nobleman ; and may she never, 
so long as she continues her veneration and regard for 
Washington, endanger her independence, her Union, 
and the Constitution, by an acceptance of the danger- 
ous and mischievous doctrine of free trade, which is now 
persuasively urged upon us by a Government which in 
time of our national peril gave the most valuable assist- 
ance to the South, and actually engaged in defeating 
the military operations of the United States by a thor- 
oughly organized system of so-called neutrality, that 
supphed ports, ships, arms, and men to a belligerent 
that had none, and whose foreign pohcy toward the 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 113 

United States during the Civil War manifested a spirit 
intense in its hostility and dangerous in its conse- 
quences — a spirit of hostility to the Union itseK, and 
which desired and expected the dismemberment of our 
Republic, and gave material advantage and moral en- 
couragement to the organized forces of rebellion against 
the best Government on earth. When by long experi- 
ment and persistent effort we have carried our fab- 
rics to perfection ; when by the large accumulation of 
wealth and the force of reserved capital we can com- 
mand facilities which other nations cannot rival 5 when 
by the talent of our inventors, developed under the 
stimulus of a large reward, we have surpassed all other 
countries in the magnitude and effectiveness of our 
machinery 5 when we feel able to invade the domestic 
markets of other countries and undersell the fabrics 
produced by struggling artisans who are sustained by 
weaker capital and by less advanced skill — then we may 
proclaim free trade and persuasively urge it upon all 
lands with whom we have commercial intercourse. At 
present we need to look sharply after our own inter- 
ests, especially in the protection we need to extend to 
our navigation. In all channels of trade where steam 
can be employed we should pay generous subsidies, 
and create for this country a practical monopoly in 
the building of iron steamers by encouraging our naval 
engineers and ship-builders and building engines at 
less cost than any other nation, and obtain a superior 
share in the ocean traffic of the world. The Ameri- 
can flag should be a familiar sight in every, port of the 
world. 



114 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

That great American statesman, James G. Blaine, 
said of the protective principle : " A closer observation 
of the conditions of life among the older nations gives 
me a more intense desire that the American people 
shall make no mistake in choosing the policy which 
inspires labor with hope and crowns it with dignity, 
which gives safety to capital and protects its increase, 
which secnres political power to every citizen, comfort 
and cnltnre to every home." May the administration 
of our Government never be under the dominion of 
any party that does not demonstrate the purpose and 
the power to wield it for the unity and the honor of 
the Eepublic and for the prosperity and progress of 
the people. 

On the other hand, if the protective policy adds to 
the gains of the few at the expense of all ; if the edu- 
cated and skilled workman does not need protection ; 
if it is a narrow and exclusive doctrine ; if it simply 
protects the strong against the weak ; if it is a menace 
to public morals for the reason that the producers of 
any one thing form a class who have the strongest in- 
ducement to misrepresent and bribe in order to get if 
possible more than their share ; if it is a cause that acts 
in reduction of the wages of labor — then it would be a 
policy in which would exist the largest possibility of eco- 
nomic injury, and a tariff for revenue only would be 
the better principle in our pohtical economy. I have 
stated both sides of this great economic question, and 
my readers can reason it out for themselves according 
to their convictions and their conscience. A most im- 
portant point in political economy relating to this 



IIAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 115 

whole question is this : Will the laboring classes, while 
suffering economic injury from any source, remain firm 
in theii* industrial quality and await the operation of 
the restorative and reparative forces which shall, in 
time, set them right ? The great need is for security 
and stability : for a permanent settled p)olicy, that capi- 
tal and means and labor may all be well employed and 
be assured of no violent fluctuations. 

Last, but not least, this country has had in times 
of national danger generals who have never been sur- 
passed for gallantry of spirit and intrepidity of ac- 
tion in the military service of any country ; and from 
the foundation of our Republic, a set of American 
statesmen who have been scholars, orators, philanthro- 
pists, and philosophers — statesmen whose splendid and 
unsullied fame will always form part of the true glory 
of the nation ; and a national Government that has 
proved its strength in war, its conservatism in peace. 

The United States of America is to-day a great and 
permanent power, with the conservative strength of our 
Union an influence for good, even in Europe. 

Look at our progress ! No unfriendly Government 
will ever venture again to strike at our national life. 
The prestige of the Union is growing. Look at our 
population 5 our apportionment 5 the public debt 5 the 
total valuation of real and personal estate ; the owner- 
ship and location of property ; the amount of revenue 
collected 5 the important crops; the operations of the 
post-office 5 the number of miles of railroad ; the total 
amount of pensions ; the distribution of the tonnage of 
the merchant marine employed in the foreign trade. 



116 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

the coasting-trade, and the fisheries ; the immigration 
into the United States ; the coal and iron product ; the 
quantity of pig-iron produced, imported, exported, and 
retained for consumption in the United States; the 
number of men called for by the President of the 
United States, and the number furnished by each State, 
Territory, and the District of Columbia, both for the 
army and the navy, from April 15, 1861, to the close of 
the war ; at our new and rapidly growing navy ; our 
school age, population, and enrolment of the States and 
Territories, with salaries paid to teachers and total ex- 
penditure for schools 5 our colleges ; our schools of sci- 
ence ; our legal-tender currency ; the number of national 
banks and returns of the State banks ; and finally, at 
our territorial growth — and we shall see that we as 
citizens of the United States have lived to see free in- 
stitutions, a growth of population, and an increase of 
material wealth for which every citizen of our country 
may return thanks to an almighty God. 

In conclusion I say to the youth of my country, as 
soon as you are of proper age become a member of the 
National Guard of whatever State you reside in. From 
a patriotic point of view it is your duty and your priv- 
ilege. The National Guard of our country is also a 
great school in manly virtues. It trains a young man 
to habits of order, quickness in perception, promptness 
in execution, self-control, fortitude, and readiness both 
to ohej and to command. This splendid body of our 
young men is of great value both to State and nation 
by giving our country trained soldiers in time of need 
without the nation having to groan over the crushing 



MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 117 

burden imposed, not only by heavy taxes to support a 
large standing army, as is the case in Europe, but by 
the removal from productive industry of so large a 
number of the most vigorous youths. International 
arbitration, is to be the rule hereafter, and war the ex- 
ception ', but it is important for any nation of the first 
class to keep itself on a basis of the highest condition 
of military efficiency, and at the same time to avoid 
the crushing burden of the armaments of Europe. We 
are a peaceable and peace-loving country, and we do 
not maintain a National Guard from a fancy for sol- 
diering, nor from the passion for the pomp and circum- 
stance of war. We do it in obedience to a deep sense 
of duty, which teaches thoughtful men that in a great 
and growing country, that is going to have the prepon- 
derance of wealth and of numbers, a due preparation 
for war is the best guaranty of peace, and that we can 
rely on our police and our National Guard to insure 
the maintenance of social law and order in our com- 
monwealth whenever it becomes necessary. Our Na- 
tional Guard, therefore, in its strength and efficiency 
should give every citizen a deep feeling of national 
satisfaction and of pride, and it augurs well for peace 
and civilization. 

Cultivate a broader patriotism, a sense of the dignity 
of our United States of America, give your devotion, 
above all things, to the Constitution and the Union 
of States, and cultivate a sturdy sense of duty toward 
the State. Keep yourselves abreast of the best thought 
of the century. Use all your personal influence, as you 
take part in life, to the furtherance of the idea that 



118 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

offices are not " spoils " distributed hy party leaders, but 
trusts imposed hy the entire people, and that the basis of 
choice to office should not be adherence to this political 
party or service to that political manager, but capacity 
and character and integrity. 

Do your utmost, as you find occasion, for good city 
government, in whatever city of our country you reside 5 
for civic economy and dignity. Do your personal part 
to elect to your city councils men of the highest char- 
acter and attainments, who, when elected, will be proud 
to take their seats at the city hall and develop the sys- 
tem of city government in accordance with the wisest 
statesmanship. Realize that as a citizen you should be 
one of the real forces at work in the steady evolution 
of a higher civilization. Assist higher educational 
methods ; assist science, literature, and art 5 assist in 
the religious and moral development of society, and 
labor to make the nation more beautiful and more 
noble, that American religious reverence may send its 
roots deep into our national soil : and the multitude and 
variety and vitality of the elements of our American 
civihzation will guarantee to us a national career long, 
brilliant, and beneficent. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ELEMENTARY PRIVILEGES AND DUTIES OP VOTERS. — ^NA- 
TIONAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL OFFICERS FOR WHOM 
A CITIZEN IS ENTITLED TO VOTE. — POLITICAL DIVI- 
SIONS AND THE REQUIREMENTS OP THE LAW IN RE- 
GARD TO VOTERS. — CIVIL ADMINISTRATION AND POLIT- 
ICAL SCIENCE. 

Suffrage. — The different State Constitutions, as a rule, 
give the right to vote to all male citizens, residents of 
the State, twenty-one years of age and unconvicted of 
high crimes. Idiots, lunatics, and paupers are denied 
the right to vote. Women are allowed in many States 
to vote on educational matters. 

Qualifications. — Persons of foreign birth, otherwise 
qualified, who have declared their intention of becom- 
ing citizens of the United States, have suffrage con- 
ferred upon them. It requires five years of actual resi- 
dence in this country for a foreigner to become a citizen 
of the United States. In several States there is a re- 
quirement that the voter shall be able to read the Con- 
stitution in the English language. A few States require 
that he shall be a taxpayer. 

Residence, — In most States a citizen, to be entitled 
to vote, must have resided in the State for one year, in 

119 



120 A I^IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

the county for four months, and in the election district 
for thirty days next preceding the election. 

Eegistration. — In many States, before the election in 
each district, the citizens who intend to exercise their 
rights of suffrage are required to register, and their 
names are placed on what are called registry lists. In 
many large cities this is done on stated days before 
each election. Elsewhere the list is made up from that 
of preceding years, and new names are added at the 
time of voting. 

Election Districts. — The State is divided into counties 
and towns, and into congressional, senatorial, judicial, 
and assembly districts. These are called election dis- 
tricts. The Governor and some other State officers are 
elected by all the qualified voters of the State. The 
other officers and representatives of the people, includ- 
ing those of counties and towns, are elected by the 
voters of their respective districts. 

Time. — The general election is held in nearly all the 
States on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in 
November of each year. 

Flace. — The places where votes are cast are called the 
polls. These are in charge of inspectors of election, 
appointed or elected, representing different political 
parties. They are open from sunrise to sunset on elec- 
tion day. 

Manner of Voting. — All voting is by ballot. Each 
person voting casts his ballot in person. Any inspec- 
tor of election or any voter may challenge the right of 
any person to vote ; but if the challenged party swears 
upon oath that he lias the legal qualifications, his vote 



NATIONAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL OFFICERS. 121 

must be received. If any person votes illegally he can 
be punished by law. 

Canvassing. — After the polls are closed, the canvass- 
ers count the votes, and those who receive the greatest 
number of votes for offices within the election districts 
are declared elected by the local, county, or State board 
of canvassers, as the case may be, according to the dig- 
nity of the offices which are to be filled at the particular 
election. The county board declares the result for 
county officers, and the State board for all the higher 
officers.* This is termed canvassing the votes. 

The national, State, and municipal officers for whom 
every voter is entitled to vote are as follows : 

National. — President, Vice-President, and Represen- 
tatives to Congress. 

Electors. — The people do not vote directly for the 
President of the United States, but for presidential 
electors, and each State is required to choose as many 
electors as there are Senators and Representatives from 
that State. The election for President is held in No- 
vember of each fourth year. The presidential electors 
who are chosen at the election meet in their respective 
States on the second Monday in January and vote by 
ballot for President and Vice-President. Separate lists 
of all persons voted for as President and Vice-President 
are sent sealed to Washington to the president of the 
Senate, who, on the second Wednesday of February, in 
the presence of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of Congress, breaks the seals and counts the 

* In some States the G-eneral Assembly canvasses the votes for 
the Governor and the Lieutenant-Grovernor. 



122 A :jhanual of citizenship. 

votes. The person having the greatest number of 
votes for President is declared elected, if such number 
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed. 
If no person have such majority, then from the persons 
having the highest number, not exceeding three, on the 
list of those voted for as President, the House of Rep- 
resentatives of Congress choose immediately by ballot 
the President. The person having the greatest number 
of votes as Vice-President is declared the Vice-Presi- 
dent. If no candidate for the Vice-Presidency receives 
a majority, the Senate choose one from the two candi- 
dates receiving the greatest number of votes. 

Congress. — The election for members of Congress — 
Representatives — in each district comes once in two 
years. Two Senators from each State are chosen by 
the Legislature for six years. The qualifications for a 
Representative of Congress are, that he must be twenty- 
five years of age, must have been a citizen seven years, 
and must live in the State from which he is chosen. 
Each State is obliged to have at least one Representa- 
tive in Congress, and the number of Representatives 
cannot exceed one for every 30,000 inhabitants. The 
House of Representatives is not limited to any definite 
number. No person can be a Senator until he is thirty 
years of age and has been nine years a citizen of the 
State, and who is not when elected an inhabitant of the 
State that elects him. 

State. — The State officers for whom every voter is 
entitled to vote are Governor, Lieutenant- Grovernor 
(in the States that have one), and, in most States, Sec- 
retary of State, Comptroller, Attorney-General, and 



NATIONAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL OFFICERS. 123 

Treasurer j also, in most States, for Judges of the State 
Courts. 

County. — The county officers for whom voters are 
entitled to vote are the Board of Supervisors, Sheriff, 
County Clerk, District Attorney, and County Treasurer, 
and Judges of the County Court and Surrogate's Court. 

Municipal. — The municipal or city officers generally 
elected are the Mayor, Comptroller, Auditor, and Trea- 
surer, and judges of the police courts and any addi- 
tional city courts, as, in New York, the Superior Court, 
Court of Common Pleas, and the Marine Court, and, in 
Brooklyn, the City Court. 

Town. — The town is a subdivision of the county. In 
the New England towns the voters elect a Board of 
Selectmen to manage town affairs and enforce the laws. 
In the other States a Town Supervisor or Commissioner 
is elected, who is a member also of the County Board ; 
also a Town Clerk, Assessors, Collectors of Taxes, Con- 
stables, and Highway Commissioners ; also Officers or 
Justices of the Peace are elected. 

The details of party organization in which voters may 
take part consist of the primary of the town or of the 
city ward 5 the County Convention, composed of dele- 
gates from all the primaries of the county ; the State 
Convention, composed of delegates from the County 
Convention ; and the National Convention, composed 
of delegates from all the State Conventions. The Na- 
ional Convention is supposed to embody the senti- 
ments of all the voters of the party in the country. 



124 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 



Civil Administration and Political Science. 

There is no question of greater moment to every 
good and loyal citizen of the United States than the 
qnestion of Civil Administration. 

The work of Grotins and Puffendorf in enforcing a 
better fundamental theory of law; of Frederick the 
Great in bettering the codes; of Stein in shaking off 
feudalism — was but preliminary to our modern civil 
fabric. Out of this development arose the great work 
of that greatest of all German geniuses in reform be- 
tween Luther and Lessing — Christian Thomasius, who 
began the efiicient training of young men for the ser- 
vice of the state at the University of Halle. His was 
the initiating power which resulted in giving to Ger- 
many, in nearly all its greater universities, courses of 
advanced instruction, not merely for training men to 
the law, to medicine, to theology, to science, to litera- 
ture, but to the service of the state. Education has 
no higher duty, and American universities can render 
no more valuable service to the country, than to estab- 
hsh courses in history, political science, and general 
jurisprudence, in which young men can be trained to 
discuss questions of political economy, finance, and 
general policy in public meetings, in the press, and in 
legislative bodies, not as machine politicians, but as 
men who have kept abreast of the best thought of our 
century — courses in which young men will be taught 
that the true fundamental theory of the whole Ameri- 
can civil administration is that every official, from the 
President of the United States to the pettiest clerk, is 



NATIONAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL OFFICERS. 125 

to act entirely in the interest, not of any man or any 
clique or any party, but of the entire nation ; that the 
basis of choice to office should be capacity and char- 
acter ; that capacity should be shown by competitive 
examination, and that good servants for the State being 
thus secured, they should be retained as long as they 
are honest and faithful 5 that there should be a system 
of promotion upon approved merit ; that men in office 
should not be driven to support men or measures in 
opposition to their own conscience 5 in short, that the 
fundamental principle of American civil service is re- 
publican in the highest sense. The subjects of the 
administration of justice, the municipal administration, 
intellectual development, social development, and religious 
and moral development could all be taught in a manner 
conducive to the public good in such advanced univer- 
sity courses.* The features most urgently required in 
the political development of the United States are to 
develop by university training a body of young men 
who will be strong men in political thinking ; who will 

* An American Post-Graduate School will be started this com- 
ing winter in New York, with an able corps of professors, to 
begin the efficient training of young men for the service of the 
State. Students will be taught that constructive forces must be 
made to replace destructive forces in society ; that the family is 
the social microcosm ; and they will be taught to take an intelli- 
gent interest in social welfare and to distinguish the constituent 
social elements and to study social aggregates ; to study social 
activities as functions ; to study derangements of social health. 
A scientific and philosophic method will be employed, that our 
students may in the future use the results of wider induction with 
good social effect in political action. 



126 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

follow in the footsteps of Thomasiiis, Stein, Harden- 
berg, Fichte, Dahlmann, and Bismarck of Germany, 
and of Washington, Webster, Clay, Jefferson, Hamil- 
ton, and Choate in this country, so that there may be 
an end of local jealonsies taking the place of national 
patriotism, of favorites taking the place of statesmen, 
of political work being mainly cheatery, and of politi- 
cal thought being simply intrigue. Then we shall see 
in our visits to every local Legislature — what every 
thoughtful visitor fails to be impressed with to-day — 
steadiness, independence, and dignity 5 and the results 
of this training will be to make our national Congress 
what it should be — one of the best deliberative bodies 
in existence, with its members in their places instead 
of in courts trying suits or at the departments seeking 
patronage. 

We need, finally, to build up our country's mate- 
rial interests by more polytechnic schools like those of 
Munich, Stuttgart, Carlsruhe, Aix-la-ChapeUe, Dresden, 
Hanover, and Berlin, from which men shall be sent 
out to become civil, mechanical, and mining engineers, 
builders and manufacturers ; and in Boston and New 
York we have already made a good start in this direc- 
tion. We also need to establish in our country muse- 
ums of industrial art like those at Nuremberg, Frank- 
fort, Munich, Stuttgart, Berlin, and Dresden,- where 
should be found specimens of the most perfect work 
into which art enters, in order to stimulate and improve 
American art industry ; and we need to stimulate the 
zeal of our American workmen in every department of 
industry by frequent local exliibitions of the best that 



NATIONAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL OFFICERS. 127 

can be produced in these departments, and where snch 
work can be exposed for sale at a price which will 
enconrage genins and skill. In the methods of our 
constructive indu.stry we already surpass all Europe, 
but we need to pay more attention to art in industry. 
America does not need a Scharnhorst to develop for 
her a great military system, but she does require a 
body of public men in whom shall be combined strength, 
common sense, clearness of vision, tenacity of purpose, 
and a spirit of deep patriotism ; and it remains for our 
universities to prove valuable centers for such political 
training. 



SUBJECTS FOE INYESTIG-ATION. 

Page 7. 

The Constitution of the United States. 

The first and highest duty of every citizen of the United States. 
The sux3renie law of the United States. 
Congress. 

The judiciary of the United States. 

The construction and interpretation of the laws of the United 
States to the people. 

Page 8. 

The authority of States in relation to the laws of the United 
States. 

The effect of a State arresting the operation of an act of Con- 
gress within her limits. 

A judicial body as the final interpreter of the supreme law of 
our country. 

The duty of citizens of the United States with regard to the 
authority, laws, and measures of the Government of the United 
States. 

The Constitution of the United States in its relation to the 
citizens. 

The principles of our G-overnment. 

The principles of public liberty which the laws secure to every 
citizen. 

Page 9. 

The source of all political power. 
How the people exercise this power. 

128 



SUBJECTS FOR INVESTIGATION. 129 

The basis of representation. 

Suffrage. 

The right of suffrage protected. 

The results of each election certified to the central power. 

The duty of citizenship respecting candidates for office. 

Page 10. 

Excesses of party spirit. 

Voting. 

The great question citizens should ask respecting candidates 
for office. 

What citizens should feel sure of respecting candidates for 
office. 

What is indispensable for every citizen to decide in voting. 

What he should think of first. 

To what every man holding public office under the Government 
should submit. 

Page 11. 

Action of public officers of the Government. 

The relation of the Government to the people. 

The duty of citizenship toward the Constitution of the country. 

Upon what American liberty depends. 

The rights of the people. 

The rights of the Government. 

What we should remember respecting the Constitution. 

The duty of citizenship respecting our American ancestors. 

Page 12. 

The duty of citizenship toward those who achieved in the Rev- 
olutionary War our American independence. 

The names we should forever reverence and venerate. 

Another great epoch we should remember. 

The names associated with the emancipation of slavery in the 
United States. 

The great general in the War of the Rebellion. 

Upon what the life, liberty, and property of the citizens depend. 



130 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 



Page 13. 

The producing cause of all the prosperity of the country. 

What Americans live by. 

How the labor and industry of the citizens are protected. 

How the property of citizens is protected. 

How people come to possess property. 

What their property is entitled to. 

Pages 14 and 15. 

Communism not the proper form of society. 

The reason why everybody should not have an equal share of 
the products of labor. 

How the wage-earner is protected by the laws of our country. 

How the law protects him when by industry and frugality he 
has amassed property. 

The law protects equally the employed and the employer. 

The price of labor in the United States as compared with that 
in other countries. 

The protection extended under our laws to labor exceeds that 
extended to capital. 

For what the protective policy of the United States was pri- 
marily designed. 

What it was that gave the first impulse toward the adoption of 
a constitution. 

What the results of the protection of labor have been. 

It has given to labor a steady price. 

A well-employed and prosperous community under our Consti- 
tution and laws. 

Every one in the community some form of employment. 

Page 16. 

The duty of citizenship respecting social and political order. 
The law forbids tumult and violence. 

The law forbids individuals to incite others to tumult and vio- 
lence. 

Law made for the protection of society. 



SUBJECTS FOR INVESTIGATION. 131 



Page 17. 

The citizenship duties of foreigners residing in the United 
States. 

Foreigners as much bound to obey the laws as native-born 
American citizens. 

The duty of all good citizens toward the President of the United 
States and all those in authority. 

What the President represents. 

What the duty of citizenship is toward our common-school 
system. 

What the duty of citizenship is in relation to the Christian 
religion. 

Toward the Sabbath day. 

Page 18. 

What the duty of citizenship is to the colored race in the 
United States. 
What every citizen owes the State in which he lives. 
Resistance to the laws. 
The criminal law. 

Why it punishes offenders against the law. 
Citizens' relation to judges. 
Arbitration. 

Pages 19 to 23. 

Laws enacted in our country against rebellion and insurrection. 
Law the Government of the United States enacted to protect 
itself and its authority as a Government. 
Insurrection. 

Laws against interference with commerce. 
Criminal conspiracy against the laws of the United States. 
Laws must be vindicated if they are violated. 

Pages 24 to 29. 

The Congress of the United States. 
The Senate. 



132 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

How the inem"bers of the House of Eepresentatives of Congress 
are elected. 

Measures which are to become laws. 

The functions of the several executive departments of the Gov- 
ernment. 

A new department needed. 

The State Legislature. 

How the members of the State Senate and the Assembly are 
elected. 

For what purpose men are sent to each State Legislature, 

Judiciary or court system in States. 

Page 30. 

PERSONAL LIFE OF CITIZENS. 

What sort of a life it is our duty to lead. 

What kind of books we should read. 

The best book in the world. 

How we should live as citizens. 

What we should be ready to do. 

What we should remember. 

What we must find out when we are young. 

What we must be. 

What we must observe. 

Page 31. 
What we must labor to do. 
What we must have. 
What we should be able to endure. 
What our disposition should be. 
What we should have a firm belief in. 
What we must learn as citizens. 
How we must act as citizens. 
What we must love. 

What we must exhibit in the management of our affairs. 
How we must regard our parents. 

What sort of woman a good citizen should choose for a wife 
when he reaches adult age. 



SUBJECTS FOR INVESTIGATION. 133 

Page 32. 
Our relation to the world. 
What we must reverence. 
What we must exhibit in life and character. 
Laws besides those of country we must observe. 
How we should view alcoholic stimulants. 
Alcohol. 
Its food value. 

Euins mind and body when taken daily as a beverage. 
What citizens should uphold. 

The four great conservative forces of our civilization. 
Encouragement of good. 

Page 33. 

What our first thought should be. 
What we should make our every act. 
From what we should guard the State. 
What we should uphold. 
What we should teach our children. 
What every citizen should exhibit in his life. 
What children should be taught as future citizens. 
How we can make good citizens. 

What the duty of citizenship is in relation to children. ' 
How a poor man may become one of the most useful citizens 
of our country. 

Page 34. 

The combination of qualities of the highest value to the State. 
What we want in emergencies of State or nation. 
Who the State may well regard as a most useful and noble citizen. 
The sort of men it is the duty of citizenship to elect to make 
our laws. 

The primary qualification for office in State or nation. 

A rich country. 

Needs of the State. 

To what the State looks. 



134 A ]\IANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Pages 35 to 36. 

Intellect alone in statesmen will not make our country respected. 

Something else is required. 

A great statesman. 

Great men the corner-stones of republics. 

They stamp their mind on the nation. 

The richest legacy a citizen can leave to his country. 

National character. 

The most useful citizens of the United States. 

The result to our country with such citizens. 

Pages 37 to 39. 

THE NEW REPUBLIC OF HAWAII, FORMED BY AMERICANS IN THE 
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, JULY 4, 1894. 

A duty of citizens of the United States to show sympathy with 
the new Eepublic of Hawaii, f oimded by Americans, in the Pacific 
Ocean. 

The President of this new Republic. 

Its birth. 

Its Constitution. 

The foundations of its national policy. 

The people of Hawaii wise. 

Inherent right in the people of which this Republic was born. 

Powers of this Government. 

What President Dole and his cabinet are in power for. 

Pages 40 to 47. 

WOMAN. 

The duty of citizenship toward woman. 

She should be granted greater and broader personal and prop- 
erty rights. 

Pages 48 to 66. 
An account of the history of our Republic's political growth. 



SUBJECTS FOR INVESTIGATION. 135 



Pages 66 to 75. 

Municipal reforms are needed for cities. 

Protection of our seaboards. 

The necessity of our country constructing and controlling the 
Nicaragua sMp-canal. 

Labor reform. 

Other legislation needed. 

Pages 75 to 83. 

The Government should establish a national health board. 
Laws necessary for the full hygienic protection of our country. 
The silver question. 
The responsibility which wealth entails. 

Pages 83 to 93. 
The family. 

The Church. 

The State. 

Pages 94 to 100. 

The nature and effect of alcohol on the human race. 
The duty of citizenship as to the liquor question. 

Pages 101 to 118. 

MAGNITUDE OF OUR COUNTRY. 

Our railroads. 

Our savings-banks. 

The national debt. 

The national wealth. 

The capital invested in manufactures. 

The number of employees. 

The wages earned. 

The value of the products. 

New manufactures. 

Production of iron. 

Exports. 



136 A MANUAL OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Freight on lakes and rivers. 

Depositors and deposits in savings-banks. 

Agriculture. 

Reciprocity. 

Postal revenue. 

Merchant marine. 

New navy. 

Exports of agriculture. 

Pages 119 to 127. 

Who have the right to vote. 

The qualifications for naturalization. 

Eesidence in the State, county, and election district. 

Registration. 

Election districts. 

Time of election. 

Place. 

Manner of voting. 

Canvassing. 

The national officers for whom every voter is entitled to vote. 

State officers. 

Municipal officers. 

Town officers. 

Details of party organization. 

Civil administration and political science. 



INDEX. 



Adams, 5. 

Agriculture, influence of, 1 ; 

Secretary of, 27. 
Agricultural patents, 27. 
Agricultural product, 105. 
Alcohol, not a food, 32. 
Alexander II., 42. 
Aliens, naturalization of, 119. 
America, 36. 
American labor, 14. 
American liberty, our peculiar, 

90 ; and characteristic, 90. 
American people, 13. 
American political principles, 

90. 
American products, 27. 
Amount of revenue collected, 

115. 
Ancestry, American, regard for, 

11. 
Apportionment, our, 115. 
Arbitration, 18, 117. 
Armament, national, 25. 
Armor-piercing shells, 105. 
Armor-plate, new, 105. 
Army of United States, 25. 
Army posts, 26. 
Artillery, 25. 
Arts, the, 3. 

Assembly, the State, 29. 
Attorney-Greneral of the U. S., 

27. 
Authority of the Government, 

19. 
Authority of States, 8. 

Bacon, 41. 

Banks, savings, money in, 101, 
104; national, 116. 

10 137 



Beecher, Henry Ward, 5. 
Blaine, James G., 5. 
Blessings, national, 12. 
Body, sound, 32. 
Books, good, 30o 
Brewster, 12. 
Bribery, 60, 74. 
Brooks, Phillips, 5. 
Brotherhood of man (see pref- 
ace), 30. 
Burke, 41. 

Cabinet, United States, 24. 

Canals, 68. 

Candidates for office, their quali- 
fications, 9. 

Capital, 13, 14; invested in man- 
ufactures, 102 ; new, invested 
in the U. S., 102, 103. 

Census, national, 26. 

Character of citizens, 34. 

Character, national, 35, 36. 

Checks, constitutional, 10, 11. 

Christian ministry, 17. 

Christianity, 17. 

Church, relation of, to society 
and civil government, 86, 87. 

Citizens of U. S., diity of, 30, 31, 
32, 33, 34, 35, 36; the most 
useful, 34, 35. 

Civil administration, 123, 124, 
125 

Civil officers, 60, 119. 

Clay, Henry, 50. 

Coasting trade, 105, 115 ; freight 
carried in, 105. 

Colonial days, 51. 

Colonists, American, 11. 

Common law, 12. 



138 



INDEX. 



Common schools, the, 17. 

Commerce, laws against inter- 
ference with, 20. 

Commerce, national, 20. 

Communism, not the proper 
form of society, 13; destruc- 
tive, not constructive, 78. 

Community, a well-employed, 
15. 

Congress, 7, 24. 

Constitution : definition of, 7 ; 
defence of, 7, 11 ; fidelity to, 
7, 11; framed for union, 11; 
made for good of country, 11 ; 
protects labor, 13; protects 
property, 13. 

Constructive forces must be 
made to antagonize destruc- 
tive forces, 79. 

Convention, the party, 123. 

Cotton, consumption of, 103. 

Country, our : its growth, 1, 3 ; 
example to other nations, 5; 
supreme law of, 7; watched 
over by the President, 28; 
should be our first thought, 
33. 

Court, Supreme, of the U. S., 8. 

Crime, 18. 

Criminal conspiracy against the 
laws, 21. 

Culture, forces of, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 

Customs, 25. 

Dead, tribute to the illustrious, 

5, 12, 35. 
Debt, national, 102; reduced, 

105. 
Defence, due preparation for, 

106; the best guarantee of 

peace, 106. 
Deposits in savings-banks, and 

depositors, 101, 105. 
Destiny and m.ission assigned 

us, 3, 36. 
Destructive dogmas must be 

combatted, 33. 
Domestic industry, 14. 



Duties of foreigners, 16. 
Duty of citizens of our country, 
8, 11, 16, 30. 

Economic activities, 13, 108. 

Economic resources of the set- 
tlers of our country, 1. 

Educational agencies, impor- 
tance of, to the State, 17. 

Election, results of, how certi- 
fied, 9. 

Election, State and local, 120. 

Electors, 121 ; residential, 121. 

Elements that go to make up 
the most useful citizen, 30. 

Employed, 14 ; employees, num- 
ber of, in U. S., 103. 

Employer, 14. 

Employment, cause of prosper- 
ity, 15. 

Equality, 5. 

Eras in our history, 12. 

Evolution in political science, 
64. 

Executive departments of Na- 
tional Government, 24, 25, 26, 
27, 28. 

Executive, federal, 28. 

Explosive, high, for shells fired 
from service guns, 106. 

Exports, value of^ 104. 

Extractive industries, 109. 

Factories, new, 103. 

Family functions, 83, 84. 

Farm, the, 2^ increased value of 
products, 105. 

Finances of the nation, 25. 

Food supply, an abundant, ne- 
cessary to national growth, 2. 

Founders of our country, 12. 

Free and united government, 
10, 12. 

Grovernment, a ''determinative 
element" in national growth, 
3 ; an agency for good, 4 ; 
elements of the American sys- 



INDEX. 



139 



tern of, 8 ; for the public util- 
ity, 3 ; its influence on morals, 
4 ; its power and duty, 4, 11 ; 
judicial branch of, 4, 6, 8 ; of 
limited powers, 11 ; republi- 
can form, 5 ; preservation of, 
11 ; our form of, destined to 
be the model for other na- 
tions, 3 ; popular, a, 3 ; author- 
ity of, 19; executive depart- 
ments of our, 24. 
Greatness and progress of our 
country, 101 ; railway system, 
101 ; savings-banks, 101, 105 ; 
debt of the nation, 102 ; cap- 
ital invested in manufactures, 
102; number of employees, 
103 ; new industrial plants, 
103 ; manufacturing establish- 
ments, 103 ; amount of wages 
paid, 103, 104; production of 
pig iron, 104; value of ex- 
ports, 104; value of imports, 
104 ; coasting trade, 105 ; ag- 
riculture, 105 ; reciprocity, 
105; public debt reduced, 105 ; 
merchant marine, 106 ; new 
steamship service, 106; the 
new navy, 106 ; naval militia, 
106 ; shipment of agricultural 
products, 107 ; World's Fair at 
Chicago, 107. 

Habeas corpus, 8, 
Hamilton and Jay, 5, 54. 
Happiness, the public, 2, 8. 
Hawaii, republic of, 37. 

Imports, value of, 104. 

Independence, American, 12. 

Indian bureau, 27. 

Indictment for inciting to con- 
spiracy and insurrection, 23. 

Industries (see Labor), 13; 
American, 102, 103, 104; ex- 
tracting, 109; transforming, 
109; in New York, 103; in 
Mass., 103. 



Infantry, 25. 

Insane, 94. 

Insurrection, defined, 19. 

Intellectual want, the earliest, 2. 

Intemperance, 93 ; a cause of 
insanity, 93 ; and disease, 94 ; 
injures offspring, 95 ; alcohol 
a poison, 95 ; .induces the dis- 
ease _ of inebriety, 97; has a 
special effect on nerve cen- 
ters, 97; brings down brain 
capacity to a lower level, 97 ; 
destroys will power, 97; the 
saloon problem, 98 ; people 
need to be taught the physi- 
ological action of alcohol, 99. 

Interior, the Secretary of, 26. 

Interstate commerce, 20. 

Iron, production of, in the U. S., 
104. 

Jefferson, 50, 54. 

Judge, religious responsibility 
of, 18. 

Judicial branch of government, 
7; power, 7. 

Judiciary, purity of, 6 ; indepen- 
dence of, 12. 

Jury, 8. 

Justice, administration of, the 
great end of society, 12 ; na- 
tional department of, 27. 

Knowledge, 4, 17, 32. 

Labor and competition, 14, 108. 

Labor, free, 12; manual, 31; 
the producing cause, 13, 109. 

Laboring community, interest 
of a, 13, 108, 109, 110. 

Labor organizations, honest and 
dishonest leadership in, 22 ; 
authority of leaders of, cannot 
be used as a guise to advance 
personal ambition or satisfy 
private malice, 22 ; any con- 
certed action to insist upon 
men quitting work to the in- 



140 



INDEX. 



jury of the mail service or the 
prompt transportation of in- 
terstate commerce is a con- 
spiracy, unless pursuant of a 
lawful authority conferred 
upon them by the men them- 
selves, 22. 

Labor reform, 70. 

Lands, new, for settlement, 26, 
27. 

Language of true superiority an 
element in national culture, 2. 

Law : criminal, 18 ; of the land, 
a supreme, 7 ; submission to, 
8, 18 ; resistance to, rebel- 
lion, 18. 

Laws against rebellion and in- 
surrection, 19. 

Learning, 17 ; one of the four 
great forces of civilization, 48. 

Legislation needed, 70, 71, 72, 
73, 74, 75, 76. 

Legislature, 28. 

Liberty, 6 ; of the United States, 
8; American, defence of, 11, 
31 ; cause of civil and religi- 
ous, 12 ; and patriotism, 12 ; 
and union, 12, 33 ; of the new 
republic of Hawaii, 39. 

Liquor traffic, 100. 

Loyalty and obedience to the 
Constitution and the laws on 
the part of citizens the right 
of our government, 11. 



''Machine politics," 60. 

Macon, 50. 

Madison, 50. 

Mail routes, 26; retarding the 
passage of, 20. 

Man, a religious being, 32. 

Man, his progress due to good 
''determinative elements," 1 ; 
a public being, 30; none ex- 
cused from exerting power, 
9, 30 ; early manhood, 30 ; the 
best elements of, 30. 



Manufactured products, 14, 25, 

102, 103, 104, 111. 
Manufacturing establishments, 

103, 104; in New York, 104. 
Marriage, highest form of, a 

"determinative element" in 
the growth and history of na- 
tions, 2. 

Meat products, free introduc- 
tion of, 106. 

Men and measures before party, 
10. 

Men of character the nation's 
strength, 34, 

Merchant marine, 106. 

Military information, bureau of, 
26. 

Mills, American, 103. 

Money, 3, 77. 

Moral influence of Sunday, 
17. 

Moral influence of woman, 43. 

Morals, influence of govern- 
ment in, 3, 5. 

Mothers, good, the bulwark of 
our re]3ublic, 40. 

Miiller, Max, 48. 

Municipal reform, 66 ; economy 
and dignity, 118. 



Nation subject to moral respon- 
sibility, 8, 11, 12, 49. 

National character, the sum of 
individual character, 35. 

National culture, 1. 

National Department of Health 
needed, 28. 

National Government, 24. 

National Guard, the, 116, 

National prosperity, our, causes 
of, 1. 

Naval militia, 106, 

Navy, our new, 106. 

Navy, Secretary of the, 26. 

Nicaragua Canal, a national ne- 
cessity for us to construct and 
control it, 68. 



INDEX. 



141 



Officer, public, acts of a, 9, 10, 
11, 18, 24. 

Offices not " spoils," but trusts 
imposed by the people, 117. 

Opinion and conscience free, 6, 
8. 

Order, social and political, 16. 

Origin, national, our, 53. 

Ownership and location of prop- 
erty, 115. 



Parties, issues of, 64. 

Party spirit, excesses of, 10 ; 
party leaders, 50, 60, 65, 117. 

Past, pride in the history of, 12. 

Patriotism, the duty of, 10, 11, 
12, 17, 31, 92, 108; duty of 
inculcating a family function, 
88 ; a school function, 88. 

Peace, a due preparation for de- 
fence, the best guaranty of, 
106. 

People, power with the, 16. 

Personal life of citizens, 30. 

Pilgrim Fathers, reverence for, 
11, 64. 

Political, economy, 108 ; parties, 
existence of, 9 ; partisans, 10 ; 
power, the people the source 
of, 9 ; prosperity of the coun- 
try, 1, 15, 25, 101, 102, 103; 
prosperity due to labor, 13, 
104, 105, 109 ; science, 123. 

Political principles of the U. S., 
90. 

Population, our, 115. 

Postal revenue, 26, 104. 

Postmaster-G-eneral, the, 26. 

Post-offices, 26. 

Poor, taken care of, 109. 

Power, appointing and remov- 
ing, 60, 67. 

Powers, Federal and State, 7, 8. 

Powder, smokeless, 106. 

President, the office of, 17, 28. 

Press, a free, 4. 

Production. See Labor. 



Progress and prestige of the U. 
S., 115. 

Progress during the early pe- 
riod of our national life, 50. 

Property, the right of individu- 
als to use their own, 13, 14. 

Prosperity, employment cause 
of, 15. 

Protective principle, general ef- 
fects of, 14, 108, 109, 110 ; a 
reasonal3le, broad, and reci- 
procity, 102. 

Public concerns, 25, 26, 27. 

Public health, the, 28. 

Qualifications for office, 9, 10. 

Races, the, 17. 

Railway system, our, 101 ; num- 
ber of miles of, 101, 115. 

Rebellion, 18, 19. 

Reciprocal trade, 25, 102, 105. 

Reciprocity, 102, 105. 

Relations, our, with other na- 
tions, 24, 25. 

Religion, a great ^'determina- 
tive element " in the history 
of nations, 5 ; a teacher of 
ethics, 49 ; toleration in, 8. 

Representation, basis of, 9, 91. 

Representatives, number of, in 
Congress, 122. 

Responsibility, religious, 17, 30, 

Revenue, public, 25. 

Revenues, post-office, 26, 105. 

Revolutionary heroes, 12. 

Rights, equal, of the people of 
the tj. S., 5, 8; under sanc- 
tion of national law, 8, 9. 

School, common, system, 17; a 

social agency, 84. 
Secession, 12. 
Secretary of State, 24. 
Security, constitutional means 

of, 16. 
Senate, the U. S., 24. 



142 



INDEX. 



Sentiments, influenced "by asso- 
ciations, 4, 43, 83, 84, 85. 

Silences of the Constitution, 58. 

Silver question, 77. 

Slavery, 12, 59. 

Social doctrine, necessity of 
combatting vicious tenden- 
cies in, 16. 

Social group, the primary, 2, 83. 

Social guide, religion, the great, 
49, 84, 85. 

Social intercourse, 45, 84. 

Social order, violaters of, 16, 
19, 20, 21. 

Social policy of indifference and 
inaction, bad, 33. 

Social service, inefficient, 60. 

Social structure and function 
affected by abnormal condi- 
tions of the elements of land 
and population, 28. 

Social structures and functions, 
we must know the facts of, 
and then apply them to politi- 
cal, economic, and social re- 
form, 67, 70. 

Society, our, the best ever 
known, 70, 

Society, true relation to, taught 
by woman, 41 ; in the home, 84. 

Sociology, primary element of, 
family function, 83, 84; the 
philosophy of, increasing so- 
cial health, 84, 85. 

Spirit of Christianity in our 
early history, 88. 

''Spoils system," the, 60, 117. 

State, the, 87, 88, 89, 90 ; neces- 
sity for educating young men 
for the service of the, 124. 

Statesmen, American, 115. 

States permanent, 11. 

Steamships, American, 106 ; new 
service, 106. 

Steel, production of, 103, 

Suffrage, 9 ; right of protected, 9. 

Sunday work, 71. 

Supreme Court, U. S., 7, 8. 



Tariff policy, 13, 102, 108, 110, 
111, 114. 

The territorial growth, 116. 

The coal and iron product, 115. 

The colleges, 116. 

The distribution of the tonnage 
of the merchant marine em- 
ployed in the foreign trade, 
the coasting trade and the 
fisheries, 115. 

The immigration into the United 
States, 115. 

The important crops, 115. 

The legal-tender currency, 116. 

The number of national banks, 
and the returns of the State 
banks, 116. 

The operations of the Post-of- 
fice, 115. 

The quantity of pig iron pro- 
duced, exported, and used 
here, 116. 

The school age, population, and 
enrollment of the States and 
Territories, 116. 

The schools of science, 116. 

The total amount of pensions, 
115. 

Tin-plate industry, 103. 

Tories, 51. 

Town, the, 123. 

Trade-unions, one evil of, 307. 

Transforming industries, 109. 

Treasury, U. S., the, 25. 

Treaties, 7, 25. 

Tribunals of the U. S., 7, 27. 



Union, attachment to, 101. 

Union, Constitution fi'amedfor, 
4; bond of, 4. 

Union of States, to be upheld, 
11 ; and preserved, 93. 

United States, a great and per- 
manent power, 115 ; an influ- 
ence for good abroad, 115; 
destined to be the model for 
other governments, 3. 



INDEX. 



143 



United States, suits against, 27. 

United States, tribunals of, 27 ; 
growth of, 1; greatness and 
progress of, 101 ; political his- 
tory of, 50 ; price of labor in, 
14. 

Usurpations of tyranny, repub- 
lics the result of, 38. 

Valuation, total, of real and per- 
sonal estate, 115. 

Value of the product in the U. 
S., 103, 104. 

Veterans of the War of the Rev- 
olution, 12 ; of the War of the 
Rebellion, 12, 106. 

Virtue, public, 12, 32, 40, 49, 60, 
64, 83, 85, 86, 88, 99, 115, 116, 
118, 124. 



Voters, elementary rights and 

duties of, 119. 
Voting ; national, State, and 

municipal offices for whom 

every citizen is entitled to 

vote, 121. 

Wages, protected, 14; earned 

by employees in the U. S., 

103, 104. 
War, department of, 25 ; war 

vessels, 26: the exception, 

117. 
Washington, tribute to, 5, 12, 91. 
Wealth, its social duties, 78; 

per capita, 102. 
Webster, 5, 12, 89, 90, 91, 92. 
Whig party, 51. 
World's Fair at Chicago, 105. 



THE DEVINNE PRESS. 



From the Rev. Johnson McClure Bellows, St. Jamesh Church, 
Madison Avenue, New York. 

Doctor Edward C. Mann's book on Citizenship is to be 
commended for use in schools and colleges, and to every 
young man in the country, as it implants in the nature of 
students the seeds of a genuine patriotism ; teaches young 
men the duty of voting thoughtfully, and that offices are trusts 
imposed by the people, not ''spoils"; revives the love of 
country, and deepens the spirit of fidelity to its principles ; it 
elevates the country's standard of honor up to that which 
is right and true, and teaches students the love of truth, of 
right, and of righteousness. It teaches political science in 
the proper way, by teaching both religion and a knowledge 
of social facts. It recognizes the family as " the social mi- 
crocosm," to use the author's own expression. It deals with 
the organic conception of society. 

The book has a good method and a high educational value. 
The author makes his influence work against the destruc- 
tive tendencies in society, and for the constructive forces. 
He shows himself a careful student of Schaffle of Austria 
and of Christian Thomasius of Germany by the way in 
which he dissects society in order to discover the needs and 
possibilities of society which may become the foundation for 
intelligent social endeavor, and in the way he teaches the need 
of the efficient training of young men for the service of the 
State, that we may have a body of young men strong in po- 
litical thinking, who will be self -poised statesmen, who will 
know the conditions of human welfare, and can control them. 
The young man who studies this book carefully and thought- 



fully will be able to form independent judgments about so- 
cial and political relations. It corrects visionary specula- 
tions. It teaches a good method of preparation for political 
action. It teaches the student to investigate before he agi- 
tates. It is a strong book because it teaches rehgion and a 
knowledge of facts as a social guide. The book will do 
great good by antagonizing the vicious tendencies in social 
doctrine which are a menace to society. The author has 
evidently kept abreast of the best thought of our century. 
The book is strong in all that makes for good citizenship, in 
municipal, State, and national affairs, for higher educational 
advantages, in the administration of justice, intellectual de- 
velopment, social development, religious and moral develop- 
ment, and temperance, and a high regard for the influence 
of good women in society. It is also very practical, and 
teaches the rights and privileges of voters, and the muni- 
cipal. State, and national officers for whom every voter is 
entitled to vote. 

Johnson McClure Bellows. 



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